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THE NEHEMIAH CLEAVELAND HOUSE,
As remodelled by Upjohr], the architect of Trinity Church[, New York. Taken down in 1873,
From a ph^otoqraph made about 1865 showing Mr, and Mrs. Cieaveiand and Miss Harriet McEwer] Kiniball,
tl"[e poetess (seated at right).
THE
HISTORICAL
COLLECTIONS
OF THE
TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
VOL. XXIII
1918
TOPSFIELD, MASS. PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY.
1919
GEORGE FRANCIS DOW
Editor
THE PERKINS PRESS
MASS.
CONTENTS
THE NEHEMIAH CLEAVELAND HOUSE IN 1 865 Frontispiece OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY, 1917 - - - iv
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE SECRETARY FOR TFIE YEAR
ENDING DEC. 3 1, IQ 1 7 - - - - V
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TREASURER FOR THE YEAR
ENDING DEC. 31, I917 . . - . vi
ANNUAL REPORT ON THE BUILDING FUND - vii
THE PARSON CAPEN HOUSE IN THE GREAT WAR viii
JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE MIDDLE AND
SOUTHERN STATES IN 1831-2, BY EZRA TOWNE I THE PRINTING PRESS IN TOPSFIELD, BY GEORGE
FRANCIS DOW 46
RECORDS OF THE PROPRIETORS OF THE PLAINS
MEADOWS - 50
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD ( 1 664- 1 668)
ABSTRACTED BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW - 56
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH AND SOME OF HIS DE- SCENDANTS, BY M. V. B. PERLEY {Illustrated) 81 NEWSPAPER ITEMS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD, COPIED
BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW ( Continued) - 97
TOPSFIELD VITAL STATISTICS, IQ 1 7 - - 141
CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS, IQ 1 7 - - - 1 44
BUILDINGS CONSTRUCTED, 1917 - - - 1 44
OFFICERS
OF THE
TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
1917
PRESIDENT
Charles Joel Peabody
VICE-PRESIDENT
Thomas Emerson Proctor
SECRETARY AND TREASURER
George Francis Dow
CURATOR
Albert M. Dodge
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
Charles Joel Peabody, ex-officio Thomas Emerson Proctor, ex-officio George Francis Dow, ex-officio Franklin Balch W. Pitman Gould Leone P. Welch Arthur H. Wellman
ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE SECRETARY OF THE
TOPSFIELD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 3 1, IQI/.
Tbe membership of the Topsfield Historical Society on December 31, 1917 was 264. Twenty-seven new members have been elected during the year, two have resigned and four have died, viz: — Wilton F. Bucknam of Stoneham, Miss Mary N. Cleaveland of Salem, C. Harry Shoemaker of Orleans, and Frank W. Ward of Danvers.
Four regular meetings have been held at which papers were read by Leone P. Welch, Mrs. George W. Towne and the Secretary. The annual supper was given at the November meeting, 49 being present, and a highly suc- cessful field meeting took place at “The Colleges," on July 2ist, through the courtesy of Mr. Thomas Emerson Proctor who also provided refreshments. Members were present from as far distant as Worcester.
Volume XXII of the Historical Collections has been com- pleted and distributed and 32 pages of Volume XXHI have been printed.
Mr. Sheahan, the custodian of the Parson Capen house, has recently notified us of his intention to again engage in war service and consequently the rooms on the second floor will be vacated, and a new custodian secured. Dur- ing the year a new hardwood floor has been laid in the kitchen, much repapering and painting has been done ; doors have been equipped with screens and a Pyrene fire extinguisher has been purchased. Everything now is in first class condition.
Respectfully submitted,
George Francis Dow,
Secretary ,
VI
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TREASURER
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE TREASURER
OF THE
Topsfield Historical Society
FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 3I, I917
RECEIPTS
Jan. I, 1917. Balance cash on hand
Received from annual dues Hist, Colls, sold
“ “ bindings sold at .30c.
“ “ bindings sold at .35c.
Gift from a Friend
$ 12 134 00
24 50 II 10
25 55
2 00 $197 27
PAYMENTS
Printing, Hist. Colls., Vol. 22 $121 40
Binding, “ “ “ 39 55
Printing, “ “ 23 (on acct.) 13 22
Expenses at annual meeting i 85
Deficit on transportation at Field Meet. 4 00
Record book 2 00
Postage and express 7 93
Misc. printing, notices, etc. 6 25 $196 20
Balance cash on hand Jan. i, 1918 i 07
Respectfully submitted,
George Francis Dow,
Treas^irer.
Approved,
\V. Pitman Gould,
A itditor.
REPORT ON THE BUILDING FUND
VII
Tops field Historical Society
TREASURER’S REPORT ON THE BUILDING FUND
FOR THE YEAR ENDING DEC. 3I, I917.
RECEIPTS
Jan. I, 1917 Balance cash on hand $72 97
Dividends U. Shoe Mach. Co. 84 00
Extra dividend “ 41 00
(also rec’d stock div. of 4 shares)
Sale of stock rights 4 63
Rent of Capen house (Mr. Sheahan) 120 00 $322 60
PAYMENTS
Interest on note $80 00
Repairs, hardwood floor, papering,
painting, screen door, sash, etc. 94 87
Repairs on water supply 25 61
Pyrene fire extinguisher 8 02
Taxes 12 60
Deficit on annual supper and trans- portation 1 5 05
Insurance 6 25
$242 40
Balance cash on hand Jan. i, 1918.
$80 20
On hand 45 shares U. Shoe Mach. Co common stock (market value 42) Less note $1,600. at 5 per cent.
Value of Fund
$2,290 00 $1,600 00
$690 00
Parson Capen house and i 1-5 acre
land (cost) $2,100 00
Restoration and furnishings $2,461 12
$4,561 12
Respectfully submitted,
George Francis Dow,
Treasurer.
Approved,
W. Pitman Gould,
A uditor.
THE PARSON CAPEN HOUSE IN THE GREAT WAR.
During the summer of 1914 there came to the Parson Capen liouse a man who was so taken with its beauty and charm that he came there to live. Like the Parson he was a son of Harvard. He also had lived in France and loved the land and its people. War burst upon Europe and France called to her aid all those who love Liberty and Honor. The months passed by and soon the dweller in the manse found himself in France, a volunteer in the American Ambulance Corps and there, at Bois le Pretre and at Verdun, for nine months he served for France and civilization. Meanwhile the Capen house often sheltered the women of the town as they worked for the French wounded and its huge fireplaces warmed the busy fingers that wrought the supplies needed by the soldiers in the trenches and the figures lying on the white cots. The dweller in the manse returned. Another summer passed and once more the dweller sailed away. This time at the direction of the Sec- retary of the Navy to learn the story of the American fleets on foreign service. It was his to share the life of the guard- ians of the sea, to patrol both above and below the waters, and to witness the tragic end of a German submarine. Safely home again he told the story that the deeds of his country- men might not be forgotten.
And so the spirit of Parson Capen, who bravely opposed superstition in the fearful days of 1692, again came into a struggling world and his old home was glad.
“How lonely my old house must be when the winter storms surge round it at midnight. How the great flakes must swirl round its ancient chimney, and fall softly down the black throat of the fireplace to the dark, ungarnished hearth. The goblin who polished the pewter plates in the lightof the crum- bling firebrands has gone to live with his brother in a hollow tree on the hill. But when you come to Topsfield, the gob- lin himself, red flannel cap and all, will open the door to you as the house’s most honored and welcome guest.”*
*From a letter of Henry Beston Sheahan to his soldier godmother, Miss Mabel Davison, in ’■'■Friends of France^"' Boston, 1916.
(viii)
JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1831-2.
BY EZRA TOWNE.
Ezra Towne, whose wanderings in the western country are recorded in the following pages, was the son of Jacob and Mary (Perkins) Towne and was born in Topsfield. Oct. 17, 1807. He was educated in the public schools of Topsfield and attended the Topsfield Academy of which his father was a trustee. In addition to the journey here described, while yet a young man he again travelled south through Virginia and the Carolinas to Louisiana. This time he sold patent rights. Later, he travelled westward through Michigan, Illinois and Missouri. For thirty years, he was engaged in business in New York City and returned to Topsfield in 1866, where he served his town and parish in various offices. He married Julia R. Stone of Marl- boro, N. H., and died Feb. 4, 1882 in Topsfield, leaving four children. The following journal is abstracted in some what condensed form, from the original manuscript in possession of his son Edward S. Towne of Westboro, Mass.
On the 6th October (Thursday) 1831, I left home (Topsfield, Mass.) for somewhere, destination undeter- mined, with a small bundle of clothes, consisting of shirts and stockings, and the suit which I wore. I started with about $70 in my pocket. I rode to Charlestown with my brother, whom I left on the Warren Bridge. Till this time I had not begun to count the cost of leaving my old
(O
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JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
home — it had seemed a pretty affair to set off to travel in distant places and I had no fears or misgivings of any kind. I went into Boston and after a little effort succeeded in getting my small stock of money exchanged for U. S. Bank notes. Between 3 and 4 o’clock in the afternoon I set off to walk to Dedham, about 10 miles, intending to start early in the morning and walk to Providence in time for the steamboat for New York.
As I passed down Washington street I began to con- sider seriously what I was doing and where I was going. I had before had an indefinite idea of going to the west' ern country and engaging in teaching school or some other employment — but now I felt heartily sick of any such thing— -now I wished I had remained at home content and happy — but the green hills of my home had disappeared in the distance and here was I hurrying through the busy street against my present will as if urged on by a demon — - who can describe the tortures I felt as my legs were^fast carrying me out of the city. Oh 1 for an excuse to re- turn— anything that would have allowed me to linger — an accident would have been hailed with pleasure, a brok- en leg would not have been objected to. If such had been the case, an effectual cure for my propensity to travel would have been the result, as I was sufficiently tired of the undertaking. But no accident came and I passed on through Roxbury to Dedham, which I reached before dark.
It was my intention to walk to Providence but having on a new pair of boots my feet were sore before I reached Dedham and I felt determined to take stage. After a little time I felt comparatively at home at the tavern, and in conversation, forgot a considerable part of my troubles. Soon after 6 o’clock in the morning 5 or 6 stages drove up with passengers — we breakfasted and then set out by stage for Providence. I took an outside seat to be able to see the country ; which is hardly worth seeing, being rather poor land, and not well cultivated. We passed through Attleboro, a small village, but where they have built taverns on a large scale. We reached Providence about noon and drove immediately to the boat which lay at the lower ex- tremity of the town on Providence river.
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 183I-2
3
The boat left soon after we reached it — its name was the “Benjamin Franklin,” I think — it was the first steam boat I had seen and I felt a curiosity to see its machinery, &c. The boat was large and neat, and I examined every part that is thrown open to travelers. When I paid my fare ($6 and found j I was asked if I had selected a berth — as I had not, they put one down for me and told the number. Soon after leaving Providence we took dinner, which was served up in good style and abundance, with plenty of fruit of various kinds. The mince pie was so strong of brandy or wine that I really felt it after eating. Leaving Newport we passed by the fort (Adams?) in a dilapidated state, said to be the largest in the U. S.
In the early part of the evening we partook of an excel- lent supper, after which some took to cards, some to talk- ing, and some to walking on the deck. At early dawn I was up to catch a glimpse of the vicinity of New York — we were near Hell Gate and when we passed the water was in great commotion — boiling and eddying, and rushing east- wardly with great rapidity.
In a short time the spires of New York appeared with extensive masses of brick walls. Before reaching the city you pass many beautiful country seats perched by the side of the river and surrounded by trees. As you pass along you will perceive that the eastern part of the city is the place appropriated to ship-building, the dry dock, &c. A little farther on and you enter between New York and Brooklyn, passing the Navy Yard on your left, then the houses stretching from the river to the heights, while on the New York side the buildings become higher and thick- er and the shipping more numerous, till you pass a forest of masts and cordage.
Our boat passed merrily on by vessels at anchor in the stream and shot across the little ferry boats that ply be- tween New York and Brooklyn. We passed around Castle Garden, the old circular fort, which is at the end of the Battery, the southern extremity of New York, and passed into the noble Hudson, on whose broad, tranquil surface floated many a vessel and steamboat, and landed a little above the Battery. Here were hack-drivers and porters
4
JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
clamorous to be patronized, and a scene of confusion en- sued, which I had never seen before. In a few minutes I landed, having been on the boat about 17 hours, and with- out making any enquiries pushed up into the heart of the city. I soon came into Broadway, a beautiful avenue 3 miles in length, straight and wide, far exceeding anything I had seen before, which at that early hour was not much thronged. Stepping into a public house and looking in a directory, I inquired for the street to which I wanted to go and in a short time reached the corner of Duane and Broadway. Here I stayed from Saturday the 8th, to Tues- day the i8th October, which gave me an opportunity to look about the city.
I visited all parts of the city and was struck with its vast extent and the great amount of business done. Pearl street and others adjoining were literally blocked up with boxes and carts, the boxes marked for almost all parts of the United States. Generally speaking, the blocks of build- ings were not so large and continuous as in Boston, nor are there such large ranges of stores as on the wharves in Boston, neither are the conveniences for lading and un- lading vessels so great as there. The piers are narrow and extend but a short distance into the river. Most of the heavy shipping business is carried on from the East river, though considerable is done from the North river side, and it is increasing fast. Water street used to be the low- er street bordering on the east, but now it is filled in so as to admit 2 blocks between Water street and the river, and we might expect the river to be still farther encroached upon, but the current is too rapid to admit of its being made much narrower.
On Saturday night, the 15th, there was a row at the Park Theatre. On Sunday evening there was another. At least 10,000 people assembled in the Park and streets by the Theatre. There was a tremendous noise, made chiefly by boys, the lamps in front of the building were broken, but little other damage.
October i8th, Tuesday, started for Albany in the steam boat “North America” about 7 o’clock in the morning. Except at the most important landings, a boat is sent out
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1831-2
5
from the steam-boat with the passengers and baggage. A hawser is attached to the small boat and as the steam- boat shuts off steam and keeps on its way slowly, the line is let out, and the boat run ashore, when baggage is thrown out and in, and passengers jump as quick as possible; the line is then drawn in and the boat runs with great ve- locity to the steam boat, a ladder of steps is let down from the side of the steam boat, they climb in, the small boat is hoisted on its cranes, and the steam-boat, which has not lost its forward motion, is now driven forward with the ac- cumulated steam. It is done with exceeding quickness.
Arrived at Albany about 8 o’clock in the evening. No sooner had the boat struck the dock than numerous run- ners from the different Hotels, most of them having cards, rushed on board the boat and distributed them amongst the passengers, great confusion prevailed. I seized my bundle and found my way to a public house. 'Here I wrote home that I was not homesick and was going westerly, and if they had anything particular to write to send to Buffalo; hoping they would write me to return. After dinner I went to the Post Office and in climbing the hill to the railroad, I found a something clinging to me to hold me back. I reached the railroad and casting a long and anxious glance to the hills of the east, bade farewell, and set my face towards the western wilds, utterly destitute of having any place in view. Soon as the cars were in mo- tion the novelty of the thing, never having seen a railroad before, put an end to my musings, and I felt quite happy. Our way led through a sandy, poor country. The engine drew 6 cars containing probably about 100 passengers, we were about 45 minutes in going over about 12 miles. They stopped half way to take in wood and water, so we were in motion about 37 minutes; some of the way we traveled at the rate of 25 miles an hour; rapid travelling, fare 50 cts. Schenectady is a small town and has an old appearance at first sight.
We arrived but a little before night, and went immediate- ly on board a line boat for the west — fare one cent a mile and board myself — or 2 cents and found. I chose the former. A number of boats were ready to start and run-
6
JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
ners were active as usual. Just before dusk we left on a brisk walk and sometimes trot, with 3 horses, (a great show of horses is made to get passengers on board with the assurance that the boat with so many horses will get through quicker than any one else), which in the morning was reduced to two.
October 21st. In passing up the canal, which is in the valley of the Mohawk river, there is much to interest. The settlers seem to be mostly Dutch, and without many of the conveniences, which other people in similar circumstances would like to have. There were about 30 passengers on board the boat. Our berths were part fixed in the side of the boat and part were suspended by ropes, one above another. I felt very much at ease in the company and even happy at the novel mode of travelling and finding others going from place to place like myself.
Whenever any one wished, the boat was steered toward the bank and he could jump ashore and walk upon the tow path, or through the fields, and when he wanted to ride again the boat would be steered to the bank again or he could let himself down from some bridge, great num- bers of which are thrown across the canal, and some are so low that they almost brush the deck. Many accidents have happened in consequence of their lowness.
Soon as we came to the first lock, the passengers all jumped ashore, and walked along on the tow-path, calling at the numerous eating shops, to wait till the boat had passed through the 3 or 4 locks and attained the next level, a work of something like half an hour. Jumping on board again, we soon forgot our adventures of the day in sleep. During the day and in the night, we met many boats, — they pass each other with ease, passing to the right.
October 23rd. I left the boat at Nine Mile Creek (Ca- millers) 79 miles west of Utica on Sunday morning, and walked to Marcellus about 7 or 8 miles. Here 1 had a letter to Mr. C. Moses, with whom I staid till Monday afternoon. The forenoon was rainy and when I left in the afternoon the roads were slippery and muddy beyond anything I had seen before. The soil is deep and rich and large crops are obtained. As I passed along the
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 1-2
7
farmers were threshing wheat by machines, using generally 4 horses. Some of them pretended to thresh 3 to 400 bushels per day, of wheat. The dirt thrown from wells 20 feet deep is said to bear as good crops as the soil on the surface. It is of a mulatto or yellowish cast.
Passing through Skaneateles and Auburn, the next day I arrived at Port Byron, where I arrived at the canal and jumped on board a crazy old boat, occupied by a pedlar of earthen ware. His boat was drawn by one poor old horse. He was a comical chap and told some stories rela- tive to shares in peddling. I rode with him to Clyde, when he stopped to dispose of wares, or take more on board ; and then I walked to Newark, 18 miles in 3 \ hours. I stopped at Mr. Henry Perkins to whom I had a letter from cousin Joseph. He is a curious kind of a man, full of jokes and fun; he kept a small grocery, and seemed to live comfortably.
October 27th, Thursday, in the afternoon I left Newark in a boat for Rochester, no boat having come along in the day time since I stopped. On board was a German family consisting of a man, his wife and four children, one a very interesting girl of 17 or 18 years. They were said to be wealthy and going to settle in Michigan. No one of them could speak a word of English. Arrived at Rochester on the 28th early in the morning. It was quite cold, ice had form'ed in the canal. I took and excellent breakfast in an eating house for 15 cents.
I dined with General Gould, whom I found to be a very pleasant man, and jumped on board a canal boat for Buf- falo about 4 o’clock in the afternoon. About sunset on the 29th we arrived at Lockport. This is a curious place. The town is built mostly on the high ground above the locks. In approaching we passed into a deep ravine, which we followed for considerable distance till we re,ached the locks. There are 2 sets of locks, one used for ascending and the other for descending boats. There are 5 in each set rising 12 feet each or 60 feet in all. They are built of stone in a handsome and durable manner. At the head the stones bear an inscription to the genius and memory of De Witt Clinton and others, who projected and constructed the
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JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
canal. While the boat was locking up, which took a half hour or more, we were diverted by an interesting dog and bear fight in the street.
Tippling is a great business here, judging from the num- ber of the shops. Lockport is a small town but growing rapidly and will become a manufacturing place of impor- tance, especially for flour. It was nearly dark when we left Lockport, to wend our way to the lake. In a short time we came to where the canal had been cut out of the solid rock. High walls were on each side of us, and by the glimmering of the boat’s lights we could see the spark- ling surface, and the traces of the drill on the rock. The cut extends about 3 miles, and in some places is, I believe 30 ft. deep. On the elevated level the canal is supplied with water from a creek or river which empties in Niagara River. Before reaching Black Rock it enters the Tona- wanda Creek, and creeps along to the lake, when it turns, and runs near the lake, to Buffalo.
October 30th, Sunday, I awoke in port, and going upon the deck, caught the first view of Buffalo quietly stretch- ing up the hill. Our boat hauled up by the side of a steamboat, about to leave for the west, to put on board sundries belonging to a pedlar, who had others in some of the western states to deal out his wares. The boat was well loaded with freight and passengers. I remained on board the canal boat during the day and night, as we had very comfortable and quiet quarters.
I put up at a house near the landing. Our fare was excellent, at I2| cents a meal, and I had a good bed. Pro- visions of all kinds appeared to be plenty and cheap, which had been the case all the way from Albany. On the canal I fared upon the best, at a very low rate. In the morn- ing of November 2, [1831] I was startled before break- fast by the ringing of the steamboat bell, and it was an- nounced that it would leave for Detroit and intermediate places in half an hour. So paying my bill, without wait- ing for breakfast, I hastened to the Post Office, half a mile distant, to seek a line from home, in which I was dis- appointed. I went on board the boat between 7 and 8 o’clock. It was heavily laden with goods, the guards were
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 1 -2
9
filled, leaving only narrow passage ways about the deck of the boat, and these were crowded with beings of all com- plexions and from almost all nations. The morning was cold and a wet and a brisk wind came down the lake. The steam was up and preparations seemed to be making to leave immediately. After an hour or two the passengers became quite clamorous to leave, and about 10 or 1 1 o’clock the lines were loosened and the boat put off into the stream.
Expectation was on tiptoe when suddenly the boat was anchored, and communication with the shore cut off. In this situation we remained till 4 o’clock in the after- noon, rendering all of us most uncomfortable.
About 4 in the afternoon they raised steam again, and at the urgent solicitations of passengers, either to land, or go on, the boat was put off into the lake. The waves run 4 or 5 feet high and caused the boat to pitch considerably. Our progress was slow, and the boat was anchored under a little point on the Canada shore 10 or 12 miles from Buffalo, the Captain declaring it impossible to go any farther. The waves came round the point, and kept the boat rolling and pitching all night. There were about 200 passengers, of whom, probably two thirds were sick dur- ing the night. The cabin was strewed with passengers, sick or sleeping on the floor. I was obliged to walk the deck considerable to prevent being sick, but occasionally, visited the cabin to warm myself, and the forward cabin to see what was going on there. This was a rather low, dark place, with a little light, with berths in the sides. Near its end was a stove, around which were a few young Americans, keeping a good fire to neutralize the stench that filled the room. The berths were full and the floor was strewed as thick, that it was difficult to get along. Here were the old and young, German, Swiss, Negro, and everything huddled together, and as a very large propor- tion were seasick, I found it desirable to breathe no oftener than necessary, and soon made my exit, into the pure but cool air. Taking a chair, toward the stern of the boat, I slept about 2 hours. About daylight on the morning of November 4th, we got under weigh, and though the wind
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JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
had subsided, the waves tossed the boat some. Running on in the middle of the lake, the shores in the distance appeared to be covered with woods. About sunset we arrived off Erie and passengers were rowed a long dis- tance to the landing.
From Erie I dispatched a paper home, and having taken passage in the stage for Pittsburg, I retired to sleep rocking with the motion of the steamboat, I had quitted. About 3 in the morning, with 8 others, we set out in the stage, it raining fast.
It was very dark, and after proceeding a few miles, and when we were all drowsy, we were startled by coming to a halt. Our driver had got sleepy and had driven out of the road, and a huge stump stopped the wheel horses, which the leaders had passed over. Here we got out in mud and after some little time succeeded in getting right again. After this we got on tolerably well, calling “driver” occasionally to keep him awake. The road was so deep, that at the little town where we breakfasted, a light wagon was obtained and three of us took passage in that for a dozen miles. It had stopped raining. Large masses of clouds moved over us, and mists hung by the side of every hill. The men seemed to be of large stature and good livers. The land seemed very rich and productive and yielded everything one could wish in abundance.
A little after noon we came to Meadville, a small town among the hills, with its college. Passing on, we came to some swampy land, which had been laid with rails for the road, technically called a “railroad.” The jotting was very severe, especially where the rails had been broken through. We continued riding all night, and till iij o’clock on November 5th, Saturday, at night. This day we frequently noticed the coal-pits, which entered the hills by the side of the road, and from which they get a con- siderable part of their fuel, though there is wood enough. We passed some poor land. Our entrance to Pittsburg was over a most villainous road, and we were in continual fear of upsetting. Our company was very pleasant. There were two young men from the western part of New York
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 1-2
II
who were going to Lexington, Ky. to teach. There were two or three ladies also in the coach. We took four meals only on our way from Erie to Pittsburg.
Pittsburg is a place of great business, especially in iron work. A good many steamboats are built here — their machinery made — glass blown, &c. — and a good many goods sold. It is a thriving town. It is situated in the forks of the river on the flat land at the base of a high hill. The houses are blackened by the smoke which hovers over and falls upon them from the chimneys and the iron foundries. I went on the hills that overlook the city, and while around the air was clear and beautiful a dense smoke lay below me which obscured a part of the town, the leaves and fruit on the trees on the hills are covered with soot.
November 7th, Monday, about 6 o'clock in the evening we set out in a steamboat for Cincinnati. After running about 30 miles they anchored, on account of the fog, it had been so dark and thick that we couldn’t observe any- thing distinctly on the shores.
The immediate valley of the Ohio is narrow, it being completely hemmed in by high hills, except where a tribu- tary comes in, sundering the chain of hills. Frequently the river runs close under a hill of 300 or 400 feet high, while on the other side the level land stretches away for half a mile, to the opposing hills, laid out in good farms. The hill sides are covered in a few cases with woods, but a large part have been cleared and the wood floated to Cincinnati; and now the coal pits are numerous; entering the hill horizontally, high from the river, they soon strike the coal, which they bring out on little cars, and tip into a slide, or send the cars down a little railroad to the river.
The lime-kilns are numerous. The farm houses and everything about them, do not indicate the thrift that one might expect to see on the rich bottom lands of the Ohio. The houses are generally poor, and the troops of children on the banks of the river, watching the boat as it glides swiftly past, demonstrate that not much pains are taken to keep them clean, or decently clad.
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JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
Our boat called for passengers wherever a signal was made. We took in wood about twice a day, generally from a flat boat, which was moored by the bank.
November lOth, Thursday, between i and 2 o’clock, we emerged from the narrow valley into a circular plain sur- rounded by high hills, when Cincinnati burst suddenly to view. It is about 6o feet above low water mark. Our boat wheeled around, and with its bow upstream landed at the landing, amongst other steamboats and river craft. The landing is paved to low water mark, and is lOOO ft. in length by the river. It presents an animated appearance, being covered with passengers, and drays. I soon found my way to a boarding house, and then took a stroll through the city. There are a nuniber of market houses, open and exposed to the weather, which are generally well supplied with substantial food. Fruit is very plenty and good. Garden vegetables are cheap. Meats are low, as also is flour and other necessaries. The countrymen come in with covered wagons, drawn by horses, and back their wagons, by the hundred, against the sidewalk, take off their horses, tie them to the forward end of the wagon, and in the latter part of the evening themselves crawl into the wagon and sleep till morning, so they can be with their produce and save expense. Sometimes they occupy a long space on each side of the market streets.
Having made arrangements for going to Tennessee, in company with a young man, we spoke passage ork board the “76” steamboat, bound to New Orleans, we taking passage to the mouth of the Cumberland river. It was late in the season and getting cold, but from their anxiety to get all the freight possible, they put off leaving Cincin- nati till the 27th, getting up steam every day to render passengers quiet. At length toward noon on the 27th November, we left in the old boat heavily laden with pro- duce, doomed to suffer more than we had formed an idea of. In the night there was a small fall of snow, which rendered it difficult for the pilot to see the shores. On the 28th toward night, we arrived at Louisville. There was some little snow, and it being cold, the place seemed most cheerless and desolate. The water was so low in the river that the boat was obliged to go through the canal.
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 1-2 1 3
December 1st, [1831] Thursday, got up stream once more, and vve left in the forenoon full of the hope that we should soon get into a warmer climate. The boat had been kept two days through mere shiftlessness, when the cold and low stage of the water might have taught any one that the river must soon close. Off they started with the flatboat in tow with its load fully exposed to the weather, and which was now frozen and worthless. Its owners were deck passengers taking it to the southern country, and in vain did they remonstrate with the Captain for exposing their property in this manner.
December 2 and 3, Friday and Saturday, we continued slowly without anything worthy of notice occurring, ex- cepting getting aground a number of times, and running foul of sunken logs when going into wood yards. One day we stuck fast on a sand bar, and were unable to move for some time. All the deck passengers were obliged to get into the flat boat to lighten the steamboat, an anchor was carried into the deepest water and a turn upon the cable made, but to no purpose. The bow of the boat was then raised by placing a large timber each side of the bow, one end resting on the sand and the others meet- ing over the boat, a pulley was attached to the boat and the top ends of the poles or timbers and the boat raised off the bed of the river, then all the steam was applied and the boat moved half its length and then stuck fast again; again the process had to be repeated, and in two or three hours we were past the bar and in fair sailing again. On Saturday, running into a wood-yard the boat got upon a log. It run on about midships and was nearly balanced. Steam was applied to force the boat over and to back the boat off the log but for a long time in vain. At length they succeeded, and after a time we proceeded again.
Our Captain was a rough, swearing, tearing man, and at the same time very negligent and inefficient. The clerk was an overbearing Englishman, and the Pilot, a large man, was worse than either. The cook was the only decent man of the boat’s crew, and much fault was found with him. The deck passengers suffered much from the weather. There were several ladies of respectable
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appearance among them. The sides of the deck were open, and the cold wind whistled through keenly. They seemed a jovial, good natured set. There was a large sheet-iron fireplace, and wood was not spared. Here all the cooking for the deck passengers was carried on, by themselves, and occupied nearly all the time, day and night. Some had berths hung up, and some sat in chairs during the night by the stove. Day after day it was the same thing, and a more cheerless passage, it is difficult to conceive of. Half frozen, and vexed at the delays, the only wish expressed, was, to get through the time. There were some twenty cabin passengers, who were uneasy at the delays. The time was mostly spent in card-playing. Some of them were very jovial, especially an Englishman, a physician, who made much sport.
December 6th, Tuesday, arrived during a snow^ storm, at Shawneetown, a little village in Illinois. The ice was so thick and strong that it was deemed necessary to sheath the bow of the boat. The flat had been unladen the day before and dismissed service. As the boat was to lie here for the night, some of us repaired to a tavern where we found comfortable quarters for the night; snow covered the earth to the depth of three or four inches, and every one seemed shut up. There appeared to be nothing do- ing at Shawneetown, and a few barrels of salt at the land- ing gave the only indication that anything ever had been done.
December yth, the bow having been sheathed, and a huge elm crotch hung from the bowsprit so as to break the ice, we bid adieu to the town, an hour or two before night, and proceeded down the river, amidst ice, which nearly covered the river. As was feared, the chute through which alone, the boat could pass, was choked with ice. Return to Shawneetown was deemed unadvis- able, and no other course was left open but to run under the Illinois bank, which we did, and anchored in the forest and canebrake. This was about six miles below Shawnee- town. The bank was near 30 feet high and almost per- pendicular. In the spring the bottom land extending a mile or two from the river is overflowed with water. It
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1831-2
15
is covered with a pretty heavy growth of cotton-wood (a large tree), ash, cypress, and in some places hickory and elm, with the universal bottom-land tree, the sycamore, or button wood, with its huge trunk, of sometimes 9 or 10 feet in diameter, and though frequently hollow, being of a rind 6 or 8 inches thick, of a healthy appearance, sup- porting long white branches, and a top of vigorous growth. There is a large extent covered with canebrake, of from 18 inches to 8 or 10 feet in height. This is the under- brush. In some places it is so thick as to render it diffi- cult to get through. At the joints and top are tufts of leaves, bearing a slight resemblance to small broomcorn leaves. Of these cattle are very fond and in the winter large numbers are driven into the brake, which get quite fat upon it. Hogs are likewise driven in and live upon nuts, &c. Cattle and hogs usually have a keeper, who encamps somewhere in the cane, and whose business it is to keep the cattle from straying too far, and likewise prevent their being stolen which, for all their watching is frequent- ly done. It is warm amongst the brake, so that cattle are comfortable. Hogs have sagacity enough to break down the cane and lay it upon the trunk of some large, fallen tree, and at night creep under it. Cattle, generally, have a bell fastened so their neck, so as you pass through the forest you hear their incessant chiming, which is quite pleasing to the ear. Hogs sometime elude the search made for them, and live 6 or 7 or more years. They be- come a formidable animal, though they are not large. I saw one killed, which was supposed to be at least 7 years old, with tusks 3 or 4 inches long, and could not have weighed more than 200 lbs. For 2 or 3 days the ice con- tinued to run, and as the chute continued full, a number of us hired our trunks carried to Shawneetown hoping to be able to get across the river. After making inquiries, we sent them back again, as no boat had crossed the river for a number of days, and could not on account of the ice. We were under the daily expectation that the weather would moderate, and that our boat would be able to go on. Turkeys and deer were very plenty. One day two of us went in pursuit of deer, and though we saw
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a number we couldn’t get near enough for a shot. Turkeys are exceedingly wild and quick of hearing, and the slight- est noise in the cane would set them off upon the wing.
Another day we had but one rifle, which my companion carried. About half a mile from the boat a fine old buck came bounding along which he fired at and wounded in the back. After a while we despatched him and dragged him to the boat, where we sold it in lots for two or three dollars. The edge of the evening or early in the morn- ing is the best time for turkeys, while they are on the trees. One man and wife were living here for the winter, and had erected a small hut, by tying some tall cane at the tops and setting the other ends out so that they formed a cone of 5 or 6 feet in height, and 7 or 8 feet in diameter. Cane was interwoven so that it was tolerably comfortable. This was all the shelter they had. Other families were living almost without shelter and those who had pretty good houses, took no pains to stop the free circulation of air from without.
At length the ice stopped moving, and the river was completely frozen over. From the i8th to the 20th the people crossed over on the ice to the Kentucky shore, which was nearly a wilderness, and where at night the wolves approached the bank and howled, in answer to the dogs on the Illinois side.
On the 20th, four of us went to Shawneetown and built a little sled, which we took down to the boat on the ice; the next day, Thursday, left the boat after breakfast. We put three trunks on the sled, and four of us bid adieu to the old steam boat and our acquaintances. The air was still and it was clear and beautiful as need be. For a time we crept along under the Illinois shore; in some places the ice was smooth, and then ^very rough, where pieces of ice had been driven by the current and wind, and frozen. Sometimes we stopped at the sandbars, shoals and islands, to examine the varieties of little shells, every- where to be met with, and sometimes visited the Illinois shore, which had begun to be rugged and rocky, where were one or two small caverns, which tradition had invested with a tale, and the dilapidated walls, and remains of an
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17
old fort. On the Kentucky shore were procons, a fine nut, of which we obtained a few. Sometimes we were startled by a tremendous cracking of the ice, which would run along by our feet, and reaching each shore, would send its echoes back from the woods. In some places we had to avoid air-holes, in others, there were fissures in the ice extending across the river. In one place we stepped across an opening a foot wide, in another, a fissure of greater width was covered, at our crossing place, by a single large cake of ice (no one knows how it came there). We saw smoke rising through the trees 5 or 6 miles below us, and, as it was drawing toward night, we made all possible haste. The ice began to grow thin, and water to appear on its surface. Before dusk, we thought it best to take the shore, which we did amidst the bending of the ice, over a depth of 20 to 40 feet water. There was no path. Our sled cut through the light snow, and drew hard. There was but little underwood, but our course was crooked to avoid the trees. The bottom was narrow and was bounded by a rocky bank or ridge. Night soon set in. The sky became cloudy, and but for the little snow it would have been very dark. Our progress was slow. At every little gully we had to clam- ber over large trunks of trees, with small ones intermixed, lying in every direction, and carry our sled with its load, as best we could. When we came to high ground we could draw our load again, without meeting many obstructions from fallen timber, but every low spot was filled with drift wood and timber. Finding ourselves wearied, we despatched one to find a house, and send us assistance. One took a trunk on his shoulder and the other two took the others along on the sled. When we arrived at the Tradewater, a small river of 2 or 3 rods in width and about 20 miles below Shawneetown, we found its bed deep and its banks almost perpendicular; we had hard work to get down to the river and still harder to ascend the opposite bank. Onward we went, each resolved never to run such an unnecessary risk on the ice again, or be caught, so late in the woods, with a load. Expecting assistance, we hallooed frequently, and were at
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length answered by a man, who took one trunk upon his shoulder and led the way ; we followed and at the end of a mile had the satisfaction to come to a small one-story log house, having but one room. Supper was ready soon, of which we ate heartily; it was fried fresh pork, and coarse corn bread, and coffee without sugar or milk. They were young — had been married but a little time- had a small farm, neighbors few, and no proper road nearer than from the ferry at Golconda, some miles below. VVe made a bargain for him to carry us out to the public road, about 9 or 10 miles distant, at the point we wished to go. He had but one bed, and put that down before the fire for us, himself and wife lying upon a straw one on the bedstead. Having built up a large fire, all four of us lay down with feet toward the fire, and as close to each other as possible.
December 23d, Friday, as early as we could, we got under way; the old horse was harnessed to a rough sled, without a net or arms; our trunks were put aboard and off we started, a few flakes of snow falling. Our road was merely a path through the woods. It led over ridges and rocks, around fallen timber and crooked to the right and left to avoid a tree. At every little descent we had to lay hold of the sled to keep it from the horse’s heels. The forest was dense and almost unbroken, passing in sight of but two huts on our way to the main road. Where the land was level, it appeared good but it was much broken. It was considerably past noon when we reached the road, and for a trifle more we got our man to take us on a few miles further to a public house, “The Cross Keys”, which we reached just before night. Pork, cornbread and sweet potatoes were our supper.
Leaving one to get our trunks aboard some wagon, three of us started early in the morning on foot for Nashville, 120 miles distant. This day the snow began to melt a little. We passed through Princeton, a small village, with collegiate buildings, but I could not learn that there were many students. Preparations were making on Saturday night for Christ- mas, which was to be spent by drinking gunning, &c.
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19
December 25th, Sunday morning, we started off early, escaping from a gang of noisy, drinking fellows, who ushered in the day by firing off guns under the windows. About II o’clock we stopped for breakfast, but one of our number, learning that his uncle lived about 7 miles off, got directions and started on a cross road preferring to wait for breakfast until he should arrive there. We stayed till near one o’clock and started on the same track. Our directions were vague and so lengthy that it was impossible to follow them. However, we got the course, and, sometimes in the road, and sometimes passing through pathless woods, we at length came to the house we sought, but nothing had been seen of our companion ; however, just before dark, he came in tired and hungry, having eaten nothing for the day and, from his description, having walked 17 or 18 miles to get 7, the consequence of being misdirected. Esq. Hamond was the name of the owner of the plantation, where we stayed the next day. His farm is good and of a regular and gentle descent in all directions from his buildings. He raised 1200 lbs. of tobacco to the acre. There are no small stones. It is in what is called the Barrens. The land is considered not first rate^ but good, and the principal objection to it is the scarcity of timber, the most of the trees being very small.
December 27th, Tuesday, walked to Hopkinsville, a pretty, and large village. Our trunks had arrived and were waiting a conveyance to Nashville. The next day we walked over a level and decently good country. It was not very thickly settled There is a great deficiency of bridges, being scarce one. The thaw had advanced so that the ice was gone and the little streams were up. We had to cross them by stepping from stone on their rocky bottoms. At night we put up at a good farm house. Our supper was good, the landlord a pleasant young man, and we spent the evening quite happily. Some time after we went to bed we heard an exemplifi- cation of slavery. A negro woman could not, or would not do something at the young man, her master, told her, upon which he dealt the blows from the whip out to her
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for a long time, chasing her about the yard, the singing of the lash, reaching us in bed, together with her supplications.
December 29th and 30th, the roads were muddy, and it was slow travelling. When we reached Tennessee, the land became a little more hilly. Toward night we had the good fortune to reach the delightful town of Nashville, by crossing a lofty bridge over the Cumberland.
Monday, January ist, 1832, weather pleasant and soon as breakfast was over, we sallied forth. The market was pretty well supplied with vegetables, the greens, &c. having just been gathered. The first week day of the year is the time of letting slaves out to work, and likewise for the sale of them. There was a considerable number sold and leased during the year. When up for sale they seemed in good spirits, and strove to make as good an appearance as possible. There was one woman and her children (four or five), all small.
January ii, left Nashville for Huntsville, Alabama, about 1 10 miles. For a week the weather had been changeable, some days cold and freezing, and then warm. Now it was mild and muddy. Horse teams loaded with cotton were coming into Nashville from all directions. They were heavily laden and cut the roads very much. It is the custom to ride one of the wheel horses. As we passed along we occasionally saw a yoke of oxen in harness. The near ox was honored with a saddle on which his driver rode. Some drew in a collar and traces and sometimes had a bridle with bits in the mouth. We passed through Nolensville and some other small places, a blacksmith’s shop, a grocery, and a cotton gin making a place in Tennessee.
Early on the morning of the 15th we were on our way to Huntsville, where we arrived about 9 o’clock. It is on the plain, or a gently undulating spot. It contains 2 to 3000 people, and is built around the square, and con- tiguous ends of streets running from it, without anything very attractive about it.
Some of the buildings are decent, but most are rather miserable. It is the center of a rich cotton growing
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21
district and does considerable business. It is about lO miles from the Tennessee River, to which there is a canal. Near the center of Huntsville, is a large spring of 30 or 40 feet diameter, which throws up an enormous quantity of water. This spring feeds the canal, which, in fact starts from it. Having accomplished our errand to Huntsville, we left in a northwesterly direction. Going out of the town we were surprised at the tameness of the turkey buzzards, a bird resembling a turkey, but much smaller. Large flocks were in the yards around stables, and perched on the fences. It is the carrion bird of the South, and is protected by law, for its usefulness in removing filth, &c.
Passing along we deviated from our course, and stopped at a plantation to get our boots mended. The farm was owned by a widow woman. The house was in the center of her farm, the land sloped gently in all directions. She seemed to have a competence, and was rather pleased to have us stay during the night. Our entertainment was very good. She had two daughters, who tried to appear agreeable, but were fat squabs of ignorance, being scarcely able to read. It was very amusing to hear the old lady talk about her daughters. She had married two to Yankees, and had two more, which she came not far from offering to us. About noon, the next day, we left, our hostess refusing to take anything for our entertainment. Passing on we entered Tennessee, and on the 19th of January 1832, Thursday, I began to solicit subscriptions to several books, in Lincoln County. My first essay was very disagreeable, and I hesitated in approaching. The gentleman readily put down his name and when I went down the lane I was full of joy. I then thought it the prettiest business ever followed. After making various calls, and refusals as often, I became thoroughly sick of the business. Just at dusk I called at the house of an old gentleman and requested him to examine my prospectuses, &c. ; his reply that “It was late and you can’t go any farther tonight”, and “there will be time enough bye and bye,” and “you can go on in the morning”, was made with so much simplicity and generosity, that though I under-
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stood not the Tennessee character, I felt perfectly at home, and never better contented. After a good supper, apples were placed by me with the invitation to eat as many as I pleased, an invitation promptly complied with. The next morning it rained and continued to mist through the day. I had good quarters, and felt no inclination to refuse their invitation to stay till it was fair weather.
The 2ist was clear and pleasant. After breakfast, shaking hands and bidding the old folks good-bye, I set out to try my luck among the inhabitants of the “Cold- water”, a small river on which is considerable good land. I obtained a number of subscribers, and was everywhere cordially received. Being Saturday, as usual, a large number of topers congregated at the stores and grog shops. To one of these I was advised to go, as I should see so many folks. I went, but from their rummy faces judged I could not do anything and soon left. I thought I should be able to reach a house, named to me, before dark, and set out on a road through the woods. By some means, I missed the way, and it was dark before I came to a house. The accommodations were pretty humble, but I concluded to stay.
January 22d, walked to meeting about 2 miles. The church was a log house, standing on an eminence in the forest, from which no house could be seen. Its seats were made by splitting a small log in halves, and inserting legs in the round side of tne half log, the split side not having been smoothed very nicely, the seats were not very comfortable. The pulpit was a roughly made box. The people began to assemble in considerable numbers, riding in from all directions, where there was a small path, but no minister came. It was his regular day but he was prevented by sickness, or something. After a short con- sultation by a number of the head men, one who had seen me the day before, approached and invited me to officiate. I made some excuse, that I was not accustomed to public speaking, &c., but some would not believe but that I was a preacher. After a short time, we set out for home. From the looking, I was convinced I had excited quite an interest, probably because I was a stranger and
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23
better dressed than anyone else present. I received a number of invitations to spend the night, and if I couldn’t do that, to stay with them the next night. Monday I resumed my business, and in the evening put up where I had been invited. The family consisted of a man and wife and two sisters and two or three children. The house was of one story, and but two rooms, without a door between. In one room were two beds, one was allotted me, and the husband and wife occupied tne other. The evening had been spent pleasantly in talking over the customs, &c. of the different sections of the country and in reading from my books. The next morning it rained, and continued through the day. In the evening it became cold and snowed. It was a log house, and not very tight, especially by the chimney, and as I sat reading to the family from various papers I had, the snow came in upon me. About ii o’clock we retired, and although I had a fine bed and as many clothes as I could bear, before morning I awoke from the cold. It seemed that the wind came up through the floor, which was not remarkably tight, and penetrated the bed.
Clouds hung around the next morning and it was piercing cold. Soon as I got breakfast, off I started, in hopes to find a warmer house. I made but a few calls. Toward night I reached a two-storied house, where I was welcomed, and advised, and invited to stay during the night. I accepted the invitation, and felt at home by the side of a large fire. The next day being very cold, I was invited to remain as “it was too cold to travel, and I might not find comfortable quarters at night.”
These two days, the 25th and 26th of January, were the coldest, almost ever known in any part of the United States. At Nashville University the thermometer stood at 18® and 20° and at Winchester, a small town near the Cumberland Mountains, at the southern part of Tennessee, at 26*^ below zero. The cold came suddenly, and from over the prairies of Illinois. All the people seemed pinched up by it.
Friday and Saturday, I did not do much, as the people were generally poor, and many unable to read. However
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I was well treated everywhere, and the usual salutation when met at the door, ‘“Come in stranger, and warm”, still seems as fresh as when it first fell on m\- ear. They were universally kind, and hospitable as their circumstances permitted. A few have slaves and considerable propery, but the most have small farms and do the labor themselves. The houses of the common farmers, and of some of the wealthy class, are built of logs, one story high, some with two rooms, but many with but one. Many have no windows except a hole cut through the logs about 2 feet square, with a wooden shutter, and no glass, so when they want light they have air too, this in cold weather is rather inconvenient, and as a consequence, many keep in the dark and smoke, without any light but from the fire except what creeps through the crevices, which is not a little. Then it may be, in one small room, you find a family of eight or more congregated, where cooking and sleeping are carried on together, and if a stranger calls he is accommodated with lodgings with the rest of the family.
In Tennessee all the chimneys are built outside the house, or stand out of doors. In log houses they are generally built up 5 or 6 feet with stone and mortar, and topped off with sticks laid “cob-house” fashion and plas- tered inside. Of two storied houses, the chimneys are built of stone or brick. When a person has an oven, it is generally built alone, about a rod from the house, and a few boards thrown over it to protect it from the weather, some, though, neglect this. Those who have slaves, build a small house or kitchen, a rod or two from their own, for the slaves to live in, and cook for their masters, so the victuals have the benefit of a trip through the open air before they are placed upon the table. The women and girls make most of the clothes they wear, except a dress for Sunday. They weave a great variety of cotton checks and stripes, some very tasty, for themselves, and jeans for the men and boys. Their living is simple but pretty good. Corn, rye and cotton are the principal crops raised, with some wheat. Slaves and their masters, on small plantations, work together. Corn was still standing in the fields, and the cotton was not all picked. As I
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 I -2 25
went around I came upon “pickings” where men and boys, women and girls had assembled from all the neigh- borhood to pick cotton, and have a frolic, and in every case I had a pressing invitation to join them, in eating and drinking but not to work. I always found them cheerful, and fond of telling stories and ready to hear them, and in no case do I recollect but some of them gave me strong invitations to go home with them ; and expressed regret if I declined. After going to the prin- cipal people on the various “creeks” in the south part of Lincoln County, I wended my way to Fayetteville, the shire town.
About the 1st of February [1832], I crossed the Elk river in a boat, though in still waters the ice was pretty strong. Fayetteville contains 6 or 800 inhabitants, pret- tily situated half a mile from the river. It has some good houses. In the centre is a square, in which is the court house, as is the case in all towns in Tennessee, and a market house, in which nothing was ever carried for sale, except once a few cabbages, which the man left and ran away in despair. There are six or eight very respectable stores, four or five lawyers, and about as many physicians. At the taverns the inhabitants centre, and some seemed to spend a good deal of time in playing at backgammon, a favorite game. The weather was warm and pleasant, and springlike. After staying a few days at Fayetteville, I traversed the north part of the county. There are a number of large creeks with good land, and some wealthy men, and in general this part of the county is well settled. I got a pretty good number of subscribers.
Toward the last of February there was considerable rain, which made it necessary for me to remain a day or two, sometimes in a place, by which I found a number of pleasing acquaintances. The fare was good, poultry and eggs in abundance, pork, &c., but the standing dish is bacon. This is boiled almost every day, with turnip tops, which remain green all winter, and sometimes, potatoes. The coarse corn cake makes up the meal. Milk is the usual drink at dinner, and coffee at other meals. Honey
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is plenty in most families. The women take the principal care of the cows and calves in winter, and do all the milk- ing, which is not much however. Generally there is no shelter for the cow, but a log barn for the horses. Many farmers cut no hay, and the feed for horses and cows is cornstalks, leaves, and corn, with rye. The corn, of which they raise large quantities, is thrown into a large crib covered at the top.
The land is easily cultivated, and no small stones. Tim- ber is of a very large growth. On the ridges the white oak and poplar attain the size of five, six or n:ore feet in di- ameter; in the level and moist lands the beech is a large tree, with the sycamore and black walnut, which last is used to split into rails.
At Shelbyville I fell in company with a Vermont chart pedlar, with whom I started for Nashville. He had travelled much in the west, and was then going to Illinois. We left Shelbyville after dinner, March 15 and walked about twenty miles. The next evening we reached Nash- ville having travelled more than forty miles that day.
In Nashville the ladies are very good looking, with some, who are very handsome. They appear to lead an easy life, having slaves to wait upon them ; they all like to make a show and it is said, some keep a carriage and live in a fashionable style, who make cakes and send little chil- dren through the streets to peddle them out, for to sup- port them.
The meetings are well attended in the morning; not so well in the afternoon. There is a constant interruption during service by people coming in, and going out of church. There is a negro church, where there is negro preaching. Many blacks attend and belong to other churches.
While here I visited the “Hermitage”. Here are 500 or 600 acres of land in a body, under cultivation, surround- ed mostly by a forest. The farm contains 1300 or 1400 acres, more than half of which is woodland. The house is on a slight eminence near the east side of the open ground, from which you can see over all the fields. The
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN 1 83 1-2 2/
bouse is of brick, two stories high, with a projecting front, resting upon white pillars, and a [building] at one end for a kitchen, &c. Through its centre is a wide hall or pass- age way, which affords a cool resting place in the summer. Down the green, about a quarter of a mile, are the negro Kouses, and the stables. Here is also a small course, where the horses are trained and exercised.
Mr. Andrew Jackson, Jr., the adopted son of the Gen- eral, a mild, pleasant, inoffensive young man, who had recently come from Washington, I believe, with a young wife, pointed out the grounds to me, and showed me the curiosities of the house; the swords, snuff-boxes, &c., re- ceived from government, the state, cities, &c., and puzzles and curious articles presented by ingenious workmen. I was taken through the rooms where these articles were kept, and received the history of the important ones. The grave of Mrs. Jackson was a few rods from the house in the garden, where a tomb is to be built. The house is furnished in pretty good style but nothing very dashy about it.
The General’s force consists of some 40 working hands. Cotton is the staple product of his farm, and his income is considerable. He has a white man to oversee and take care of the farm and produce, and the General’s cotton is somewhat noted for coming to market in good season and in good order.
I occupied the time in setting window springs and doing other things till the 24th May, when I set out in a carryall, drawn by a little, smart old horse, to deliver books, of which I carried a large box full.
Arrived at Pulaski on Saturday, June 30th [1832]. In the afternoon was a meeting of people from all parts of the county, who were willing to enlist in the war against Black Hawk. The meeting was held in the court house.
Some altercation arose between a lawyer and merchant of Pulaski, in relation to the choosing of officers at that time. At a blow from the lawyer, who occupied the Judge’s Bench, the merchant returned to his store, across the square, and then went back to the court house, pre-
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sented a pistol and fired at the lawyer. His arm was caught and drawn aside as he fired, but the ball struck the wall a short distance from the lawyer’s head. I was passing along the square and heard the report of the pis- tol. The merchant ran to his store and closed the door. 200 or 300 gathered around the door but no one seemed willing to obey the sheriff to surround the house or assist him in arresting him. This broke up the meeting and the contemplated expedition. When I left town, near night, the crowd had pretty much dispersed and the mer- chant was sitting quite at ease in the back part of his store.
It has been my custom to go into schools, occasionally, to see how they were conducted, &c. The houses are small log huts, with holes cut through the logs for win- dows. There is a bench on three sides of the room, con- sisting of a board laid upon pins, driven into the logs. On these the scholars write during a continual springing of the board. The seats are one half a small tree, with legs put in the round side. The master sits in a rickerty old chair. Books are not plenty and the only branches generally taught are reading, writing and arithmetic. They are frequently incapable of teaching either of these to any extent. The location of a school house seems to depend wholly upon there being a good spring near, a considera- tion that counter-balances convenience and everything else. The common people have many expressions pecul- iar to themselves and are amusing to strangers. The common expression is “Will you walk down to supper?” when you have only to go from the hall to a room on the same floor; and the same expression has been used, when standing out by the door, and you are to walk into the house. “Tote” is universally used for “carry”, &c. I met with a great many who could not read; they would say “I am no scholar”. Many interesting looking young ladies have used the expression to me, and I have seen them many a time turn the leaves of a book, like children, to “find the pictures”, without being able to read the ex- planation of them. At almost every place I had been in
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29
this winter and spring, I was welcomed and pressed to stay over night. Frequently, in the forenoon, I was asked to stay till the next morning.
On Sunday, I was furnished with a horse to ride to church with the family (all ride on horseback). In fact, they seemed to regard me as an old acquaintance. They are, certainly, a very hospitable and friendly people, and having a good soil, and pleasant climate, they might live happily. The principal drawback is whiskey. There is a con- siderable number of small distilleries, which are much fre- quented by the lovers of whiskey. They seem to have an idea that New England people are much smarter and more intelligent than anv others, and that Boston stands at the head of cities. Whenever anything is done in a superior manner or of a better quality, they say “That is Boston”. The girls are rather coquettish, and it is not uncommon for them to have a number of suitors at a time, in which they seem to glory.
July 6 [1832], passed through Fayetteville on my way to East Tennessee.
July loth, left Winchester and rode to Pond Spring, a little place. Next morning took the “Hills Trace” road, which is but little travelled, and which leads through forest, and open ground, not much settled.
I stopped at night at a small house at the foot of the Cumberland Mountains. On the I2th left pretty early in the morning and soon began to ascend the mountain. The road is steep for two or three miles, till you reach the top. A back view presented little but forest and mountain. An old man overtook me at the top of the mountain and acted as pilot. It was about twenty miles across, and there was no guide board to point the roads at the forks, of which there were but two or three. The road is pretty level, but in some places muddy. The land is poor and cold, and mostly covered with small trees and bushes. We rode on together, and at the middle of the mountain came to a house, where we paid toll for passing on Rany’s Turnpike. No more houses were seen till we arrived at the foot of the mountain. At the tavern at which I put
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up, was a wedding, and I had the honor of sitting down at the wedding supper.
Descending from the mountain I stopped at the little village of Morganton, where I found a number of clock pedlars from Connecticut.
Left Athens on the 24th of July, and arrived at Tellico or Madisonville, the same day. This is a small village, and has nothing to recommend it. There was a show of animals here and the rough looking people from the mountains came in flocks to see.
After visiting Knoxville, Kinston, and Sparta, I arrived at Nashville, August 13th. On the 2ist, General Jackson visited Nashville. The people were not quite so enthu- siastic to see him as was to be expected, not more than 200 or 300 turned out to meet him and escort him in, nor assembled at the house, where he stopped to partake of the collation provided for him and all others, who were disposed to meet and partake. He took lodgings at the Nashville Inn, and was visited by some of his old friends, though the crowd was not [large].
August 30th [1832], left to assist in selling books at auction in Shelbyville (where, for the first time, I cried anything at auction). McMinnville (where we sold in the old court house and were obliged to sweep and clean it first, for the court houses in Tennessee are seldom closed and are the shelter in storms to cattle, sheep and pigs), and late in the evening, after the sale, repacked the remainder of our books, and at midnight (leaving a can- dle burning in the court house, to deter thieves), we left for the tavern, closing the doors as well as we could), and Murfreesborough. At this last place we sold two even- ings. This town was the capital of the state, but Nash- ville held out superior attractions and members of the Legislature would assemble there. It is laid out on a magnificent scale, is well built for a small town, and prob- ably contains lOOO inhabitants. The people are an up- roarious, gambling, horse-racing, drinking set, and the most of them care more for these amusements or occupa- tions than for books. On our way out from Nashville, we had quite an incident.
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The gentleman, whom I accompanied, and I put up at an acquaintances at the “Clover Bottom”, about two miles from the Hermitage. Here he swapped horses, and in the morning we set out with our new and powerful horse in our carryall, over the worst road you can well conceive, rock)', hilly, winding, with sometimes a path and some- times none. At length, a little before nightfall, we reached a stream, some fifteen or twenty rods wide of unknown depth, to us, but which we had been told could be forded. We drove into the stream, and about half way across our horse stopped to drink and refused to go any farther. The water came into the bottom of the carryall, it ran so swift it would have been dangerous to get into the water to lead the horse, and as the cur- rent bore the foaming water by, the horse was frightened and commenced backing.
Soon we heard a voice from a man on horseback call to us that our carryall was working down stream and we should soon be over the falls into deep water, where all would be drowned together. We called to him to ride in and lead our horse out, which he did, and we arrived safe on shore, determined not to ford another stream in the same condition.
Returned to Nashville, September 15th. Having paid a last visit to my acquaintances, and taken a final ramble around the town, I left Nashville in a carryall for Cincin- nati, on the i8th.
The celebrated Mammoth Cave lies about 7 miles to the northwest of Bell’s Three Forks. Having obtained some directions we set out on foot with sometimes a path and sometimes without one, sometimes coming in sight of a poor little farm, where the corn and grass had to struggle for a foothold amongst the limestones, but generally fol- lowing a blind path through the woods where occasion- ally a deer would start up, or cross our path, and after leisurely surveying us would trot away, and turkeys would stretch their necks and quickly disappear from our sight. At length we came to an open spot where was a farm, the property of a Mr. Gatewood. While dinner was pre-
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paring one of the young men accompanied us to the “White Cave”, a short distance from the house. Here are some very fine “petrifactions” consisting of sta- lactites of all sizes, from a few inches in length, to ten or more feet. They are formed by water dripping from the top. from which they hang like icicles. An inch or two at the tip is transparent and white, the rest is a grey color. The small ones have a small opening through them, down which the water passes to the tips and then evaporates and deposits the small portion of stone which it had dis- solved. Some reach from top to bottom. As our lights were moved about, the effect of the transparent icicles was very fine. The little pools of water in the bottom of the cave have strong petrifying properties, and wood or in- sects are changed in a short time to stone. After dinner we left for the cave, taking some biscuit in our pockets, two Dutch lamps and a small pail full of tallow to replen- ish them with.
We went southerly from the house about lOO rods to the mouth of the cave, at the foot of a steep ridge, per- haps 100 feet high. Bushes and trees grew around and it was a wild place. The mouth was 20 or 25 feet across. We descended by a winding path about 25 feet and came to a level sandy bottom. The height of the passage was about 10 feet and four or five feet wide, it having been partially walled up. At a little distance was a gate or door, which had been put there to prevent the air from circulating too much in the cave, when salt-petre was manufactured in it.
It was the 23rd September and a warm day, but the air in the cave was cooler, and rushed towards the mouth when we opened the door. Soon the passage became larger, till it was 20 to 30 feet wide, and of the same height. At a quarter of a mile we came to the vats, logs, pumps, &c., used in leaching the earth, &c. ; the works extend from one quarter to one half a mile. In 1814 large quantities of salt petre were made here. The bot- tom of the cave is a reddish earth, this was thrown into vats, water conveyed from the outside of the cave to them.
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and after the earth was sufficiently leached the lye was, by pumps, forced out to the mouth of the cave and boiled away. Salt petre was then worth fourteen cents a pound. Oxen and carts were used to draw away the leached earth, &c., and now, the tracks of the oxen and the ruts of the wheels, and the scraping of the axletree in the soft bank of earth, together with the ox trough, and corn cobs, are as fresh as if they had not been done a week. The works are in a tolerable good state of preservation. The works have not been touched since 1814. At the distance of one half a mile from the mouth, at the right hand, and nearly at right angles is the “haunted chamber". The en- trance is some I2 or 15 feet from the bottom of the main cave, and a ladder is placed so you can ascend to the place of wonders. This chamber extends about two miles, is of various widths and heights; you first come to the breastworks, where fancy has formed a small ridge of earth into a breastwork for defence; you then pass on for near a mile to a number of celebrated stalactites, some of which reach from the top to the bottom of the cave; one is called the “Devil’s Arm Chair". It is stone and reaches from the ground to the top of the cave. It has a sloping seat, upon which one can sit tolerably well and support his arms upon the sides, which rise above the seat; the back reaches to the roof. The “Bell" hangs from the roof by a stem 8 or 10 inches in diameter, and 5 or 6 feet from the ground assumes the shape of a bell, somewhat, and upon being struck with a stick gives a sound bearing some resemblance to a bell.
After looking at all that our guide told us was worth seeing, we turned back, and descending the ladder found ourselves in the main cave again. Its general course is south, but there are many turns. Other “chambers", as they are called, take off from the main passage, some on the right hand and some on the left ; one or two have been explored 12 or 13 miles, without coming to their ends, but many have never been entered for any consider- able distance; some of them pass off, abruptly, to either hand, and passing down amidst shelving rocks you pass
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under the main cave and are led off in various directions. Soon after entering the cave, its dimensions were about the same as they were generall}' throughout, being from 25 to 30 feet wide on the ground, and of about the same height ; in some places the walls are nearly perpendicular ; in others they incline toward each other, and in each case the roof seems nearly flat; in other places, it seems like an arch sprung from the bottom of the cave ; the walls and top seem to be one solid rock with few breaks. At the distance of a mile, perhaps, from the mouth, you come to thin stones, which have fallen from the roof. You are obliged to walk on them, and sometimes they rise in a heap 10 or more feet high, and always the roof of the cave conforms to them ; when they fell, no one knows, but the roof presents a ragged appearance and some flakes seem ready to fall upon the slightest shake.
These stones reach a long distance, a number of miles, with clear spaces between them. The earth in these is a reddish, sandy soil, dry, and where it has not been trod- den, it lies light. It bears the tracks of rats, which our guide said exist here in great numbers, though it is dif- ficult to imagine what they find to eat. We saw the names of visitors written in the sand, which had been there for years, and were as perfect as if just written, except where a rat had seen fit to tread. In conformity with custom, we each wrote our names in the sand, and affixed the date and our places of residence, which, except wan- tonly destroyed, will remain legible for ages. Four miles from the entrance is the “Cross Rooms”, a wonderful place. Here is a space of at least 100 feet in diameter and 60 to 80 feet high, the roof supported by two huge pillars. The one nearest the middle of the space is, perhaps, 6 feet square and the masses of rock of which it is com- posed, lay in tolerable order upon each other; the other, near one side, is 10 or 12 feet through, and consists of these great masses of stone piled upon each other in a zig- zag manner, and look as if they might be easily detached.
From this place there are five rooms or openings, the one in which we had just come, two on our right, one
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Straight forward and one on the left, besides various crev- ices, that may be the entrances to other rooms. Standing under this mighty dome, we hallooed with all our might, our voices ran along each room, and we listened attentively to the echoes as they died away in the distance. How this place was formed, it is difficult to conceive, it seems as if solid rock had been removed, many ages since. Passing on, we went through rooms of various heights and widths, and called by various names. (Wherever the cave suddenly enlarges or diminishes it receives a new name, though it is in a straight line, and on a level with what precedes and follows it). In some of them are sta- lactites of all shapes and sizes. Some of them are beau- tiful from their novelty. In some places dark veins run across the roof, or extend various lengths in it. Some of them wind about and are known as the “serpent”, &c. If all were exhibited in the open air, there is nothing that would be supposed to be beautiful ; there are no glittering icicles, or anything to reflect, vividly, the light from our Dutch lamps. All is a continuation of gray limestone, with a few changes in its color. Traces of Indians having been in the cave are seen in various places. Frequently we came to heaps of small stones and lumps of earth, which seemed to have been thrown from a sieve after the fire had passed through; some might contain 15 or 20 bushels. There was, also, coal and pieces of canebrake burnt on one end, showing that fires had been kindled 5, 6 or nearly 7 miles from the mouth of the cave; things were found in this condition when it was first explored by . white men. There was, likewise, a number of small oak butts, three or four inches through, and seven or eight feet long, in different places, in a sound state, but evidently cut down by some very dull instrument. A number of similar ones were placed upon clefts in the rocks lO or 15 feet from the ground and which could not be reached without a ladder; why the Indians placed them there, no one knows, except there is an entrance to some cave where each stick stands.
Salts of various kinds are found in some of the rooms.
36 JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
they seem to exude from the fissures in the rocks, and it is thought not unlikely that the Indians knew their prop- erties and collected them. Epsom and Glauber salts are most plenty. On our way were two places where the water trickled down from the top, and here we quenched our thirst.
At length we came to the end of the lofty passage, and being directed to stoop, we crept on our hands and knees two or three rods, following our guide. When the pass- age widened, we came alongside our guide, who was hold- ing out his lamp for us to see what was before us. He was within a few feet of the brink of a tremendous preci- pice said to be 300 feet deep, by the light of both lamps we could discern the opposite side of the pit, though a dusky haze surrounded it. The pit appeared circular, and as well as I could judge, 80 to 100 feet across; huge rocks, partly detached, hung directly over us and threat- ened, with the least jar, to fall and crush us. We threw small stones down the precipice and could hear the rum- bling as they struck, and bounded from one stone to an- other, farther and farther, and fainter till the sound seemed to be lost in the distance. With the most attentive listen- ing we could not hear them strike the water, which is sup- posed to run at the bottom.
After sitting some time looking into the dusky abyss, and hearing from our guide of some hair breadth escapes from this pit, we crept back to where we could stand erect, and began to retrace our steps. It used to be called ten miles to the pit, but it is found by measurement to be but seven miles; one quarter this distance, at least, was over loose shells of rock. Our lamps needed trimming often, but we had an ample supply of tallow. As my companion was tired, and our guide told us we had seen the most beautiful part of the caves, we hastened for the open air. Beyond the reach of daylight, was a rude pul- pit, and a few seats. A year or two ago a Methodist preacher conceived of holding a preaching in the grave, or in the cave, thinking a discourse from such a place would produce a great effect. His audience was small.
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and so was the effect of his preaching. It is probable the cave is lOO feet below the surface of the ground in many places. It is thought to pass under a branch of Green river. The cave may have been formed by the dirt having been washed away by an under-current, or by the decomposition of the rock. When we opened the door the air rushed into the cave with considerable force. We had been in the cave about ten hours. It was now the middle of the night and cooler out than in the cave. The air of the cave was very good, but not equal to what has been represented. It is dry and perhaps wholesome, but not so pleasant to breathe as the pure cool air of the open country.
Next morning we took leave and found our way back again to “Bell’s Three Forks”. The road for some dis- tance from here is full of loose limestones, which break off the rock, which forms the road some distance and lies near the top of the ground.
Near Lexington we met, perhaps, lOO horsemen going out from there, to meet General Jackson, who was now on his way to Washington.
General Jackson entered the town in a carriage, which was closed, so no one could see him, but through the glass windows. A considerable number crowded along the street to see him alight, at one of the principal hotels of the place. The merchants, generally, took no pains to see him, being opposed to him. Mr. Clay’s residence, Ashland, lies two or three miles northeast from the town.
Arrived at Cincinnati the 2d day of October [1832]. In a few days it was announced that the cholera first broke out on the 30th September, and by this time the cases had become so numerous that the fact could be concealed no longer. There was great consternation, and the follow- ing Sunday it was supposed that 10,000 people left the city. Some days the deaths amounted to near 50. The streets were nearly deserted, and scarcely a person could be seen in, usually, crowded streets, except knots of 3 or 4 standing at the corners. The cries and screams of those, who were taken with spasms, or were frightened, ren-
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dered it unpleasant to pass through the streets, as plain- tive moans frequently fell upon the ear. Many who left for the country, were taken on the road, and died before medical assistance could be obtained.
October 25th, left Cincinnati in the steamboat Guyan- dotte for Louisville, where I arrived on the 26th. By this time the cholera had abated in Cincinnati, but it still lin- gered there, and at various places along the river, and cases were reported at Louisville. At Shippingport lay a num- ber of boats waiting for a rise, and for freight.
On Monday the 29th, left Shippingport in the “Dove” a snug little boat, bound to St. Louis. The old “76” bound to New Orleans left a few hours before us. It was near night when we left, but in the edge of the evening we passed the “76” aground.
We left the boat at the mouth of the Ohio, November I, and the “Dove”, rounding the point, went up the river and was soon out of sight. Here is but one house and we were some 15 or 20, including some ladies. Our ac- commodations were tolerable. The landlord had recently lost a brother by cholera and was rather fearful lest we might communicate it to the family again; however, he was very attentive and obliging. He owns 2,000 acres of land on the Illinois point, where we were, and 10,000 ar- pents on the opposite shore of the Mississippi, in Mis- souri. He owns slaves and brings some of them to the Illinois side to work during the week, and returns them at the end of the week. Much of the land on the point is overflowed in winter, but it will, eventually, become very valuable. A Mr. Bird is the owner. It is a dense forest on the point and on the opposite Kentucky shore. In the fall it is not uncommon for grey squirrels to come from one shore to the other, where nuts, &c. are more abundant. They swim and when they reach the opposite shore are so exhausted, that they are easily caught and sometimes in great numbers. Quails, or as they call them, partridges, often attempt to fly across the Ohio. The old birds generally succeed in reaching the opposite shore, but the young ones frequently fall short and drop
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into the water; they are able to swim some and at length gain the shore, but so exhausted, that they will come right up to a person and allow themselves to be caught, which is done in great numbers, sometimes; when they are cooped and killed as wanted. The government has caused the large trees within one or two rods of the banks of the Mississippi to be cut down. The banks are con- stantly caving in and when a tree goes there is danger of its forming a snag or sawyer, but if a log is separated from its roots, it will float to the Gulf. Left the point on Fri- day, the 2nd of November, in the “Michigan”, a fine large boat from St. Louis.
At Bayou Sarah I left the boat, prefering to go down by land, leisurel3^ as the yellow fever still lingered at New Orleans. The distance is about 120 miles. Left on the 13th for Jackson, a small town twelve miles in the interior. There are a few pretty good cotton plantations on the way, but generally the land is not very good, but rolling. There was a dissipated set at the tavern, and they kept up a noise all night.
So great was the dread of the cholera, that notices were put up on gate posts, in some places forbidding any per- sons to enter.
Left Baton Rouge on the 20th, and walked leisurely along stopping at some plantations ; toward night I crossed the river and put up at the house of the ferryman.
The next night I arrived at Mrs. Irvin’s plantation. It is said to be one of the largest on the coast and contains 1,500 acres under cultivation, besides woodland, back. It has a front of nearly two miles and extends from the river to near the same distance. Near the river is the Mansion house, a showy building of two stories, set up, as most of the houses are on the coast, on pillars, some two to four feet from the ground, allowing a free circulation of air under it, with a portico on the river side and a balcony on top and a fine garden around it. The Overseer’s house was in near a mile and to it I wended my way with a person, with whom I became acquainted, and who was in- timate with the Overseer. His house was a decent frame
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one, with quite a number of negro huts near. I accepted an invitation to remain the next day and visit the different parts of the plantation and see the different operations.
In the morning horses were brought to the door and we mounted and rode wherever we liked. As is the case ail along on the Mississipi, the land next the river is highest and slopes, imperceptibly to the eye, to the swamps ; the fall is from one to three or four feet in the mile. The rain and transpiration water, as that is called, which rises up through the soil, can escape only by flowing into the swamps.
On this and some other plantations, the land is laid off into squares, and narrow ditches dug to drain into the principal ditch. The soil is deep and very rich. The front of the plantation is devoted to raising sugar cane and the necessary buildings for sugar making are in this part — the middle and back parts are used for corn and cotton. Cotton was from 6 to 8 feet high. A little before sunrise 30 to 40 negroes, men and women, set out together for the cane, singing merrily as they went. The cane is planted in February and March. Top pieces of cane are laid down in drills, breaking joints, and covered 2 or 3 inches they soon throw up numerous shoots, the cane is plowed and hoed like corn, the rows 5 or 6 feet apart. When grown it strongly resembles southern corn before it spindles, and is from 5 to 8 or more feet high. It is cut with large knives made for the purpose, a few strokes take off the leaves, the top is cut down to where the cane is ripened, and afterwards saved to plant, and the lower part of the stalk is cut at the ground and thrown in heaps, the pieces being from 18 inches to 5 feet long; it is immediately carted to the mill and then thrown upon an inclined car- rier, which carries it in regular quantities to the second story, where it passes between iron rollers which press out all the juice instantly and without grinding and falls into carts standing beneath to receive it, while the juice runs away into large vats, whence it is let into the boilers as wanted. Most generally they have three boilers placed contiguous, in a row; into the first is let the juice where
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it is boiled and evaporated considerably; it is then dipped into the second and clarified and then dipped into the third and boiled to the necessary degree to crystallize, when it is again dipped out and runs into large wooden vats where as it cools, it granulates.
On this plantation they were making about ten hogs- heads of sugar per day. They begin to cut cane about the 15th or 20th of November, for fear of frost, which will destroy the cane, causing it to sour and preventing its granulating. The cotton-gin and other buildings for cot- ton are in the middle or back part of the plantation. The cotton is mostly picked by the children and the infirm. Cotton-seed is used for manure and ensures a thrifty growth of cotton.
November 29th, I started for New Orleans, distant about 25 miles. Two miles brought me to the “Red Church”, a little, old, time-worn edifice, a noted landmark for boat- men. As I went down, the plantations were not so large nor well conducted as those above. Most of the planta- tions within fifty miles of New Orleans are owned by Frenchmen, those above by Americans. The houses for 150 miles are mostly built on posts or set on pillars, a number of feet from the ground. The levee most of the way from Baton Rouge is from four to five feet high and three to four feet wide with a good foot path on the top, so you can walk higher than the natural surface of the ground, which makes it very pleasant. In some few places the levee is wide enough to allow a horse and carriage, but for short distances only. There is space left for a road between the levee and plantations, but there is very little travel upon it. Some few planters had quite a large stock of cattle, say 50 to 75, which were quietly feeding in very green grass fields, a thing not very common in this part of the state. I travelled all day and did not reach New Orleans till in the evening. It was so dark I could see but little of the suburbs. As you enter the course is northerly, which makes it difficult for most strangers to keep the point of compass, naturally suppos- ing they are going southerly. I put up at a boarding house in Camp Street.
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November 50th [1833]. Friday. This morning I sal- lied forth to see the city. The first thing that strikes you is the different styles of buiiding, the old French and Spanish houses being mostly one story high, with sharp roofs and covered mostly with earthern tiles of different shapes, and here and there an American, stately, brick building. The levee was all bustle. Merchandise of ail descriptions was upon it.
December 38:h. left New Orleans for Fort Adams in steamboat St Louis.
On Monday, the last day of December. I left for Wood- ville, eighteen miles distant. It is a bustling business-like town, of Soo inhabitants, pretty well situated and some good buildings. Mechanics get about forty dollars a month. They are quite busy putting up cottages, &c. in the edge of the wood which skirts the eastern part of the town. In the summer a considerable number from New Orleans take up their abode here, as it is considered health}-. The young men of the place were remarkably tall and well looking. The public houses are good and have a good many boarders. Their custom is to rush to the table, eat quick as possible, and away from the table again. The landlord told me how it was and when he was going to ring the bell, placed me near the door of the dining room, with instructions that so soon as the bell struck to rush in and take a seat the first time, so instant was the rush. I should think some finished the meal in less than two min- utes and before I was half done eating, I was left alone. The landlord apologized for their haste, saying it was their custom and he could not make them more orderly.
Left Woodville on the 3rd for Natchez, forty miles north, which I reached on the afternoon of the 5th. In the south-east part of Natchez is the slave market. This I visited as I entered the town. There are various bui d- ings appropriated to this use with yards enclosed. &c. In one that I entered twenty or thirty were drawn up in a row and some purchasers were examining them, asking their ages, what work they could do. if they were well and strong, and feeling of their arms, &c. Here were blacks of all ages though mostly under thirty years, boys and
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girls together. Some of the girls were very light yellow and had handsome features. Almost all seemed to be contented and showed off to the best advantage. From 600 to 1200 dollars was the price asked according to the age, &c. of the slave. Some of the yellow girls brought the highest price. Considerable business seemed to be do- ing in the city, as )'oung people from the other parts of the state think as much of going to Natchez as one does in visit- ing the large eastern towns, and here they get their fashion- able clothes, and small merchants buy their supplies.
On the 15th arrived at Monticello, containing 400 or 500 inhabitants. It stands on Pearl river, its site is level, the buildings are prett)' good and scattering, but little business seemed to be doing. The whole country from near Natchez to this place is a pine forest. The popula- tion is small and cultivation is confined mostly to the margins of small streams and hollows. Houses on the road are often ten miles apart and seldom, if ever, are two houses in sight at the same time. Hunting forms a profitable amusement to the settlers, as excellent deer and other game are plenty. Turkeys are caught with ease and in large numbers. The approved mode is to make a square pen with rails, covering it at the top. At one side is a trench of a foot in depth and one or two wide and leading a foot or so inside the pen and terminating abrupt- ly ; into this, and inside the pen, corn is thrown. When a flock comes to the pen it finds the corn and one turkey follows on and pushes the head on till it comes to the end of the ditch, when it looks up and jumps up into the pen, followed by another; in this way twenty or thirty are sometimes caught, as when they find themselves caged they direct their efforts for escape to the top and seldom, if ever jump down and creep out the way, by which they came in.
Left on the i6th for Holmesville. The road was so thinly settled that it was dark before I put up, having trav- elled eight or ten miles from the last house. It was a poor one-story house and the fare was poorer. The weather had become quite chilly and in the evening the wind from the north was quite fresh and cold. The man of the house
44
JOURNAL OF A JOURNEY THROUGH THE
proposed a fire hunt, to which I assented. He put some rich pine knots in a long handled frying pan (having a light frame work at the end of the handle, to rest his rifle on when firing), and setting them on fire and taking his loaded rifle, we left for some grassy hollows at a distance from the house. We wandered about for an hour or more, but saw nothing, probably owing to the high wind and cold. The hunter carries the pan on his shoulder, the fire back of him ; if a deer is near it will start up and look for a time at the fire; the hunter can see the deer’s eyes and by the light behind him he is able to take good aim. It is seldom the case that they do not see at least one deer in an evening. Sometimes an inexperienced hunter shoots a horse instead of a deer.
My bed room was the attic of the house, which I oc- cupied alone. The bed was good, but not so the room ; interstices between the logs were not stopped and I had the full benefit of a strong current of cold air passing through my room all night; however, as I had plenty of bed clothes, I so piled them up that I was very comfort- able except when I had the termerity to raise up my head.
Almost all the southern half of Mississippi is an im- mense pine forest; they are not large, but straight and very full of turpentine ; there are a few spots of good land, but generally it is sandy and poor; there is very little travel through this part of the state; the roads are simply cut out, there is so little travel upon them that they are in good order being smooth and pretty hard. There are few guide boards on the roads and the traveller must fre- quently rely upon his knowledge of the course he wishes to travel to find his way. There is one advantage, in the roads being nearly straight. Besides, the principal roads are “blazed”, that is, at distances, the most conspicuous trees by the road have a piece hewn off the side next the road, while private ways generally have not this distin- guishing mark. There is considerable grass grown through all this region, as the growth of pine is not thick and some low places are destitute of timber, altogether. They gen- erally burn over the ground every winter and some were
MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN STATES IN J831-2 45
burning at this time, but in some places the young grass had sprung up since the burning and looked thrifty. A good many cattle are raised here and considerable many sheep.
[From here Mr. Tovvne returned to New Orleans, and then by steamboat went up the Mississippi and the Ohio, and returned home by way of West Virginia, Philadelphia and New York, reaching Topsfield April 29, 1833.]
Arrived at Boston on April 29th, and reached home same evening, the weather was extremely warm and the roads dry. As might be expected, I felt great joy in again beholding the hills of Topsfield, though by starlight. Below me lay the quiet village just as I left it nineteen months before. I hastened across the deep valley and was at home, in the place I had thought incomparably superior to all other places, and which I had had constant- ly before me during all my travels, and which I thought I never should leave, for any length of time, again.
THE PRINTING PRESS. IN TOPSFIELD.
BY GEORGE FRANCIS DOW.
The earliest printed mention of Topsfield appears in “Good News from New England”, a tract printed in Lon- don in 1648, wherein it is stated that “William Knight of New Meadows has gone back to England”. William Knight was the first to preach the Word in this place which was not officially given its present name Topsfield, until the year 1649.
The earliest product of the provincial press which may be bibliographically connected with the town is a funeral ser- mon delivered in 1715, by Rev. Joseph Capen, pastor of the Topsfield Church. The title page reads as follows : —
A Funeral SERMON ] Occasioned by the | DEATH j of | Mr. Joseph Green^ \ Late Pastor of the Church in ( |
By I Pastor of the Church in Topsjield. | With a
Prefatory Epistle by | Dr. INCREASE MATHER. | [Two quota- tions from the Scriptures]. Boston: | Printed by B. Green^ for Sam- uel Gerrish^ at his | Shop near the Brick Meeting House, 1717.
8 VO. pp. t. p. , iv, 46.
Copies of this sermon are exceedingly rare. The writer is the fortunate possessor of a perfect example and also an imperfect one. The Massachusetts Historical Society and Dr. Samuel A. Green also own copies. Forty years ago the Rev. Anson McLoud of Topsfield possessed a copy which has disappeared without leaving a trace and the only other copy that has come to our attention was sold at C. F. Libbie & Co.’s auction room in Boston about twenty-five years ago and cannot now be traced.
The prefatory epistle by Rev. Increase Mather crowns this work with somewhat of a halo and its present high de- gree of rarity makes it one of the scarcest of the books con- nected with that remarkable family of New England min- isters.
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THE PRINTING PRESS IN TOPSFIELD
47
The next printed work identified with Topsfield is a sermon preached here in 1743 by the successor of the de- ceased Rev. Joseph Green whose funeral sermon has been described. The text was — “For God is love,” and the ser- mon was divided into forty-three numbered parts. The title runs as follows :
The Banner of divine Love displayed. \ A | SERMON | Preach’d at the Lecture | in \June 29, 1743, I P^ter Clark,
A. M. I Pastor of the Church in Salem-Village. | [Two quotations from the Scriptures.] BOSTON : Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and \J. Green, in Queen-Street. 1744. |
8 VO, pp. half-title, t. p., 47.
The next Topsfield minister to be honored by a printed sermon was the Rev. Asahel Huntington whose sermon on Jan. 5, 1 800, “occasioned by the death of George Washington commander in chief of the American armies, and late President of the United States,” was printed by Joshua Cushing in Salem. At least four other sermons by Mr. Huntington were put into type, two of them being printed in 1810 at Newburyport.
A printing press was established at Salem in 1768 and at Newburyport in 1773. When the citizens of Tops- field required printing done it naturally gravitated toward these two towns. Newburyport was at one end of the turnpike running through Topsfield, but Salem was nearer at hand and moreover was the shire-town and the better market. The Salem imprint, therefore, is usually found on printed items identified with Topsfield. Boston, An- dover, Haverhill, Georgetown and New York also are represented.
The first printing press worthy of the name was set up in Topsfield in the summer of 1879 by William Perkins. It was a 7x11 Golding press that he purchased second-hand in Marblehead. With it came several fonts of type suit- able for small jobbing work. Later Mr. Perkins added some new type.
William Perkins was born in Topsfield in 1822 and was the son of Hezekiah B. and Lydia (Ross) Perkins. By trade he was a shoemaker. For a number of years before he bought the press in Marblehead he had owned a small
48
THE PRINTING PRESS IN TOPSFIELD
hand press with which in a very small way he had printed business cards, tickets, slips, etc. With the larger press he supplied the local demand for programs, bill heads and general job printing. A catalog of the Sunday School Library of the Methodist church was printed in i88o and an eight page “Account of the Introduction of Methodism in Topsfield” was published in 1894. The press was first installed in a small building on School Ave. on the right- hand side just over the bridge. About 1890 it was re- moved to the store on Main St. adjoining Edward’s drug store where it remained until 1901 when it was removed across the street to the rear of the Gould shop which faces on Central St. Here Mr. Perkins repaired shoes and did odd jobs of printing. He died in 1910 and the printing press and type were sold to Otto E. Lake. The small hand press was sold in 1916 to George Hills, formerly of Linebrook.
Alphonso T. Merrill, a printer who learned his trade in the office of the “Haverhill Gazette”, came to Topsfield about 1878, spending his summers in the house on Ip- swich street, Springville, afterwards owned by Mrs. Abby Pevear and now by Thomas E. Proctor. At that time he was foreman for Smith & Porter, job printers, on Water St., Boston. In 1884 he bought out a small jobbing busi- ness the main stay of which was the publication of the “Massachusetts Medical Journal,” a monthly magazine. The press was an 8x12 Golding which he moved to the barn near his house in Springville. Here for a few years during his spare hours he set up and printed the medical journal. In 1888 he moved into the village and established a printing office on the second floor of the stable owned by John H. Towne and now owned by Mrs. Cassie Roberts. Here he devoted his entire time to the business and turned out some very creditable work. Need- ing more room in a few years he removed the business to the third floor of the Herrick shop adjoining and after- wards to the Robert Lake building opposite Poor & Com- pany’s store where he opened on the first floor a small store for notions and men’s furnishings. In 1901 he was elected town clerk which office he held until his death.
THE PRINTING PRESS IN TOPSFIELD
49
Mr. Merrill was a thorough workman and understood his trade. The mainstay of his printing business was the monthly issue of the “Medical Journal”. The town reports and the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society helped out and in addition to the local job print- ing quite a little work came from out of town. For several years large amounts of printing were done for Gilbert B. Balch of this town, who at that time was at the height of his success in selling the “Stoddard Lectures.” All this work was “kicked out” on the 8x12 Golding press which he purchased second-hand in 1884. The compos- ing room was on the second floor of his last shop. After a short illness he died December 25, 1914, and the busi- ness was soon sold to William A. Perkins, a young man who had worked with him intermittently for the previous eight years and who also succeeded him as town clerk.
Mr. Perkins took hold of the business with the enthus- iasm of youth. He purchased a 12x18 Golding press and installed an electric motor to run it. The business was growing and his prospects seemed excellent until October 5, 1917, when he was drafted into the military service of the United States. For a time the business was continued under the supervision of Mrs. Alphonso T. Merrill, the widow of the former owner, but the December, 1917 issue of the “Medical Journal” was the last and Mr. Perkins covered his presses and turned the key in the door until the return of peace in the world should permit him to reestablish his shattered business.
RECORDS OF THE PROPRIETORS OF THE
PLAINS MEADOWS, TOPSFIELD.
In July, 1890 the town clerk received from the estate of Moses Wildes, a volume containing the following records. The Plains Meadows were located along the Ipswich river between the River bridge, Salem Street, and the brook which flows between the Agricultural Fair grounds and the railroad and so on to the river. The name has now fallen into disuse.
To Nehemiah Cleaveland Esq^: one of the Justices as- signed to keep the peace in & for the County of Essex the Subscribers proprietors in the plains Meadows Common Fields So Called Situate in Topsfield in said County Do Request that you would issue your Warrant to one of the proprietors of said Plains Meadows to Notify & Warn the said proprietors of said plains meadows to meet & assemble at the Dwelling house of Jacob Kimball in Holder in said Topsfield on Wednesday the Sixth Day of June next at two of the o clock in the afternoon for the following purposes First to Choose a moderator of the meeting 2^ to Choose a Clark for the Current year 3^ to Choose haywards
4^ to agree on some method for Dividing the fence which incloses said Commonfield and assigning to each proprietor his or her Share of the fence Topsfield May 22th 1792
Roger Balch )
Jacob Kimball 5
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PLAINS MEADOWS, TOPSFIELD
51
Essex ss. Roger Balch above named, Greeting in the name of Commonwealth of Massachusetts you are Re- quired to notify and warn all the proprietors of the a Bove named plains meadows Common fields to meet & assemble att the time & place and for the purposes mentioned in the foregoing Requst as the Law Directs given under my hand & Seal at Topsfield afore Said the twenty Second Day of may A D. seventeen hundred and ninety two
Nehemiah Cleaveland Just, pais
By Virtue of the above writen warrent to me Directed I Do hereby^ notify & warn all the proprietors in the above named plains meadows Commonfields to meet & assemble at the time & place and for the purposes mentioned in the above writen Request
Roger Balcli
Topsfield 22d : May 1792
A Legal Meeting of the Proprietors of the plains meadows or Common P*ields in Topsfield So Called on Wednesday the Sixth Day of June one Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninty two att the house of Jacob Kimball
1 St Mr Jacob Kimball was Chosen Moderator for said meeting.
2 ly Roger Balch was Chosen Clark for the Current year.
3 ly Mr John Cree and Asa Bradstreet was Chosen Haywards.
4 ly Mr® Thomas Emerson Jacob Kimball and Roger Balch was Chsen a Commitee to Devide Fence with those persons who Join on the plains meadow and also to assign to each proprietor his or her propotion of the same
Roger Balch Pro"® C ark
Topsfield September 26th 1793
We the Subscribers Being Chosen a Committee to De- vide the Fence Between those persons that Joins upon the plains meadow or Common fields So Caled and also to assign to each proprietor of said meadow his or her Share of the Same
52
RECORDS OF THE PROPRIETORS
the First Line is the Cosaway and Field Begining att the Bridg vve Set of to Thomas Emerson Thirteen Rods from Said Bridg and mr Emerson is to maintain the Bars that gose in to the Said meadow: we Set of to Roger Balch and Asa Bradstreet Six Rods and eighteen Links of the Chain from the said thirteen Rods we Set of to thomas emerson four Rods & Eight Links of the Chain: then we Set of to Jacob Kimball Six Rods and twenty two Links of the Chain : then we Set of to John Cree two Rods and four Links of the Chain then we Set of to John Pea- b[o]dy two Rods and four Links of the Chain; then we Set of to thomas emerson one Rod and two Links of the Chain to the said Bars; from the said Bars Down By the Said field we Set of to Roger Balch & Asa Bradstreet ten Rods: then we Set of to thomas Emerson Seventeen Rods and ten Links of the Chain : then we Set of to John Tread- well Thirty Eight Rods & Twenty Links of the Chain for his farm then we Set of to Jacob Kimball two Rods and eleven Link of the Chain: then we Set of to John tread- well Seven Rods and twenty one Links of the Chain: then we Set of to John Cree three Rods and Eight Links of the Chain : then we Set of to Thomas Emerson fifteen Rods and Fifteen Links of the Chain ; then we set of to Jacob Kimball Ten Rods and twenty two Links of the Chain : then we Set of to John peabody three Rods & twenty two Links of the Chain : then we Set of to John Treadwell thirty three Rods for his farm to the Brook
Second Line is the Brook and River: Begining where Said Treadwell Left of at the Brook we Set of to Jacob Kimball Six Rods Down the Brook: then we Set of to Roger Balch & Asa Bradstreet five Rods — then we Set of to David perkins Jun*’ Nine Rods for his farm to the River: from Said Brook where it Emptis into the River we Set of to John Treadwell up the River Fourteen Rods and Fifteen Links of the Chain: then we Set of to John Peabody Eighteen Rods for his farm : then we Set of to John Treadwell three Rods and thirteen Links of the Chain: then we Set of to John Peabody three Rods and twelve Link of the Chain: then we Set of to John Cree four Rods: then we set of to Daniel Bixby Forty Rods
OF THE PLAINS MEADOWS, TOPSFIELD
53
and thirteen Links of the Chain for his farm : then we Set of to Thomas Emerson Thirty two Rods: then we Set of to John Cree Four Rods and twelve Links of the Chain : then we Set of to Thomas Balch Five Rods for his farm : then we Set of to John Peabody ffour Rods: then we Set of to John Treadwell Six Rods: then we Set of to Jacob Kimball Twelve Rods: the we Set of to Roger Balch and Asa Bradstreet Seven Rods: then we Set of to Cornelius Balch Sixteen Rods and twelve Links of the Chain for his farm then we Set of to Thomis Emerson one Rod and eighteen Links of the chain: then we Set of to Cornelius Balch Seven Rods for his farm : then we Set of to Thomis Emerson twenty one Rods up to the Bridge where we Be- gun our first Line
Thomas Emerson ^
Jacob Kimball > Committee
Roger Balch }
a Legal meeting of the proprietors of the plains meadow or Common Field, so Called
ly Mr Thomas Emerson was Chosen moderator 2^ ly Roger Balch was Chosen Clark 3 ly mr John Peabody and Roger Balch was Chosen haywards
Topsfield April /th 1794
Roger Balch
pro^® Clark
the proprietors of the plains meadow Commonfields in Topsfield So Called are hereby Notified to Meet at the house of Mr Jacob Kimball, inholder in said Town on Monday the fourth Day of April Next at Six oclock in the Afternoon
ly to Chuse a moderator for Said meeting 2^ ly to Chuse a Clark for the Ensuing Year 3^ ly to Chuse haywards for the Ensuing year Topsfield March 15th 1796
Roger Balch pro^® Clark
at a Legal meeting of the proprietors of the plain mea- dow Commonfield, So Called in Topsfield
54
RECORDS OF THE PROPRIETORS
ly Mr Jacob Kimball was Chosen moderator 2^ ly Roger Balch was Chosen Clark for the yer en- suing
3^ ly mr Daniel perkins Jun^ and Mr John peabody Jun^ was Chosen haywards for the year ensuing
Topsfield April 4th 1796 Roger Balch pro^®. Clark
September 2^^ 1896 this Day Mr John Balch & Mr Thomas Emerson made an agreement to Devide fence in the plains meadow as follows Said Balch agrees to make all the fence across the River from Said meadow to Said Balchs Pasture also to make two Rods of fence Begining at fence Sett of to Cornelius Balch Deces* from thence up the River to fence Sett of to Said Emerson
David Balch John Balch
Roger Balch Thomas Emerson
The proprietors of the plains meadow Commonfields in Topsfield So Called, are hereby notified to meet at the house of mr Jacob Kimball inholder in said Town on Monday the third Day of April next at five oclock in the afternoon
ly to Chuse a moderator for said meeting 2^ ly to Chuse a Clerk for the ensuing year 3^ ly to Chuse haywards for the ensuing year 3^ ly to Chuse a Committee to See that the fence is made according to Law Round Said meadow or act as they Shall think proper Respecting Said affair
Topsfield March 24th 1797 Roger Balch pro® Clark
att a ILegal meeting of the proprietors of the plains meadow Commonfields So Called in Topsfield
ly Mr Jacob Kimball was Chosen moderator for said meeting
2^ ly John Peabody Junr was Chosen Clark for the year ensuing
3^ ly Roger Balch and Daniel Perkins was Chosen hay- wards for the yer insuing
4^ ly John peabody Jun^ Daniel perkins and Roger Balch was Chosen a Committee to See that the fence is made according to Law Round Said meadow
Topsfield April 3*^ 1797 Roger Balch pro^® Clark
OF THE PLAINS MEADOWS, TOPSFIELD
55
[Meetings were afterwards held each spring from 1798 to 1801 at which the business transacted was similar to that of the previous meeting.]
At a legal meeting of the proprietors of the plains-mea- dow, Commonfield, [at the dwelling house of Nehemiah Cleaveland, innholder, on Monday the fourth day of July, 1808 at five oclock, afternoon]. It was voted as follows, Viz:
1st Daniel Bixby was chosen moderator.
2d Moses Wildes Jr. was chosen clerk for the current year.
3d Amos Gould, Ebenezer Peabody and Joseph Cree were chosen Haywards for the current year.
4th Thomas Emerson, John Peabody & Moses Wildes Jur. were chosen a committee to divide the fence.
5th Voted that the annual meeting of the proprietors shall be holden for the future on the first Monday in April, and that the Clerk shall put up Notifications for said an- nual meeting in all the Towns where any of the proprie- tors live.
6th Voted to adjourn the meeting till the first Monday in October next.
Topsfield July 4th. 1808. Moses Wildes jr proprietors’ Clerk.
[No further records appear in the volume.]
ESSEX COUNTY QUARTERLY COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD.
ABSTRACTED BY GEORGE FRANXIS DOW.
( Co7itinued from Volume XXI f page 128).
John Redington, Thomas Perkings and Edmond Towne of Topsfield were made free. — Mar, 2g,^ 166^.*
Zacheous Curtice, for whipping the daughter of George Hadley was sentenced to be whipped and pay costs.
Complaint of Mary Hadley f against Zacheus Curtious : f “My unkell sent me to a feelld of come to see whether theare was any cattil in it about halfe a mile of it was : and when I was goone by Thomas baucrs hous where Zacheus curtious was and he folowed me and ouertoock me and he had a rod and he whipt me with that and then he let me gooe and pulede another rod and he over tock me agayne and whipt me with the 2 rod with my feet under his armes and my head on the ground and then he let me gooe and gathered two rods and ouertwoke me and mad me pull of my cots and whipt me with both them rods the thurd time and then he let me gooe agayne and got another rod and whyp me with that rod also which was the fifhth rod and then he bid me gooe and dress my selfe but afore he whipt me the second time he would a had me to a gone in to a swomp and I would not: and when I tould him that I would tell my aunt he sed he would whip me fower times as much.” Sworn, March 12, 1663, before Daniel Deni- son.
Topsfeild presentment, Zaccheus Curteous, son of Zach- eus Courteous, for whipping and misusing several children. Wit: Mr. Perkins, John Wiles, Francis Pabody and John Gold — Mar. 2g^ 1664.
*The date at the end of each paragraph or case is the date of the session of the Court.
fShe was about eight years old and he about fifteen.
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COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
57
John Millington was sentenced to be whipped or pay a fine of lOli. for his great misdemeanor, and also to be bound to good behavior. John Gould agreed to pay the fine. Millington was bound in 20li., John Gould and Daniell Clarke, sureties.
deposed that in January, 1663, her brother
Edmon Bridges asked her to go to Salem with him but she stayed in their house while he and his wife went. John Milinton offered uncleanness to her and she told him that she would not yield to him for all Topsfelld. Then he went away to the fire and prayed that deponent would forgive him, etc.
Sarah Bridges, aged about thirty years, deposed that her sister sent John Milinton to the house for some meal, etc. — Mar. 1664.
William Evans and John Gould were sureties to the amount of ;^200, on the bond of Symon Tuttle of Ipswich, Mar. 29, 1664.
Mr. Thomas Gilbert and Joseph Bigsbye of Topsfield were made free.
John French took the oath of fidelity. — May 1664.
Edmond Bridges, the elder, and Edmond Bridges, the younger, were allowed costs in an action brought by Nathaniel Abbott, the latter not appearing to prosecute. — June 28^ 1664.
Francis Peabody served on the grand jury and Isaack Comings on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 27, 1664.
Tho. Baker v. John How. Slander. Verdict for plain- tiff.
Writ: Thomas Baker v. John How; slander; for defam- ing his name in saying that two of Goodwife Bates’ chil- dren were his; dated 12:7:1664; signed by John Reding- ton ; and served by Edmond Bridges, deputy constable of Topsfield.
Thomas Baker’s bill of cost, ili. 15s.
Edmond Bridges, aged about twenty-seven years, de- posed that he heard John How say that some of Good- wife Batts’ children were Thomas Baker’s and one was William Hunter’s, and when said How came from Rowly he heard Goodwife Kimball say that Goodwife Batts told
58 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
her so, etc. Daniell Clerke deposed the same. Sworn in court.
Thomas Backar and Edmond Bridges testified that John How affirmed that John Kimball’s wife never told him that Goodwife Batts accused Thomas Baker, etc. Sworn in court.
Mary Kimbal deposed that she never heard Goodwife Bates sa)' an\’thing about Thomas Baker, etc.
John Kimball and Thomas Kimball testified that when Thomas Backear and John How came down to their house, the latter said that if John Renetan said he told the stories, he would abide by it, as for Goodman Clark and Edward Briges there was' no heed to be taken of what they said for every one knew what they were. Sworn in court. — Sept. ^7, i66^. ^
John Dane v. John Gould. For cure of a wound. With- drawn.— Sept. 2J., 166/J..
John Millington was discharged of his bond for good behavior. l
Upon complaint made against Daniell Black and his wife, court ordered that they should sit one hour in the stocks, and for the future that said Black was riot to threat- en his wife or miscall her and to live peaceably with her, and she was to be orderly and not to gad abroad. She was further ordered not to be in company with John How or Judah Trumble nor come to the house of John How unless her husband sent her on business, and if either of them offended against this order, they were to be whipped.
Summons, dated July 22, 1664, to Daniel Blake to an- swer a complaint for having forced his wife from him, not suffering her to live with him, signed by Samuel Symonds and Daniel Denison. Said Black was bound for appear- ance, and Edmund Bridges, jr., was bound to prosecute the complaint.
Complaint of Dannell Black against his wife Faith Black : “For her keeping company with Juadath Trumbell and John Hoow and for keeping of John Hoows hous and es- pashelley one night above the rest the saide faith Black was seen wallking with Juadath trumbell About the daye Light sehuttin in withing a Lettell Spacese earch of the other
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
59
and being not seen from that tyme tell mednight or aboute that tyme and then Goodey Back came to Goodman wakeles house shee came to the dore and knocked att the dore soe-sauft that no one could not heare her att Last shee went the back side of the house and takin up a clow Boord and knocken Against the house wakned the woman and the woman ris and opned the dore and lett her in and Asked whare shee had been at that tym of night shee Answared she had ben att Goodman Clarkes eaten of fish Goodey wakley Asking why shee did nott goe home to her hursband and to her one house shee Answered and sd that S;hee did not Care for goein home And Lickwise att other severe!! tymes being seene att John Howes hous and sum tymes in bed with John Hoow was seen to bee and allsoe her husband being A Pore man and one that hath nothing to Live by but his Labor had but one Cow and for the want of the milchen of her Lost the Profet of her by his wifes carlesnes whare upon hee was Provocked severe!! tymes and often to theretten her and tel! her that liee would complaine of her to the Court her Father And the rest of her frinds with John How togeather hear- ing of this made A Complant to Symons,” etc.
Goodwife Black complained that her husband had called her baud, swearing and cursing at her, threatening to kill her and knock her brains out. He told her to go and shift for herself and pulled off her stockings, turning her out of door and not suffering her to come in, so that she was forced to go in the snow to Goodman CaralTs, which was half a mile from her home.
John How testified that he heard Danil Black “wish god to dam his soul if he ded not Bett his wif Brains outt.”
Edmon Bridges and John How testified that he forced his wife out so that she was obliged to go half a mile up to the knees in snow to get relief.
Obidia Bridgis deposed that Daniil Black and his wife were at ‘ deponent’s father’s house, and she was very ill. There were several people in the house and Thomas Love- kin was desired by “my seester black” how his finger was that he had cut off. Daniil Black seeing this, told his
6o
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
wife that he vowed that he would make her know sorrow for that. Some hours after, he asked his wife to go up with him to Mosis Pangren’s and she refused, but he went and brought down a bottle of sack, drank some of it with his wife and so fell out with her. Deponent came between them and prevented his striking her, and Black replied “you Rog I will ron you thorow,” having his knife drawn in his hand. Deponent and Edmon Bridges also deposed that they heard Black at Wenham tell his wife to go bring a sickle out of a field of corn when it was very wett weath- er and when she had not been abroad a great while on ac- count of a great sickness, and when she refused to go, he abused her so that they had to send for the constable to quiet him.
Thomas Hobes and His wife testified that a woman ought to be a meet help for a man, but Black’s wife pro- voked him by her words and carriages, and they had heard Black say that if his wife would stay at home, dress his victuals and wash his clothes and do by him as by a hus- band, he would allow her time to see her friends as much as she desired. But when she had been out two or three days and nights together, he could not help speaking to her. If she had done as she might have done, they would have lived very well and he would have worked and taken a great deal of pains, but when he reproved her, she said she would do it again. If deponents’ wife had not washed his clothes and fed his swine, they would have suffered, yet all the thanks Black’s wife gave her was to tell her that she did not ask her to do it.
John Gould deposed.
Elizabeth Perkins, sr., and Agnes Ewens were ready to depose as follows, if called: That they did not desire to testify, but what had brought them forth was the busy prattling of some other, probably the one whom they had taken along with them to advise a young woman, whose simple and foolish carriages and words, having heard of, they desired to advise better. This had come to the ears of Dan. Black, who had them summoned as witnesses. They desired to be excused from testifying because what was told them was a private confession which they had
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 6 1
never to that day divulged, and the woman had never of- fended since that time but had lived gravely and soberly. The testimony was briefly that Mary, wife of John Howe, confessed to them and to Mary, wife of Dan. Clarke, that Goody Black lay with her one night in her husband’s ab- sence, and her husband coming home, etc.
Thomas Dorman testified that one day when Daniell Blacke worked with him at the village, which was a very wet and cold day, he went home expecting to find his wife. She had brought a waist-coat to deponent’s house and then went to Mr. Baker’s, from which place Goodman Meddalf’s man carried her to John How’s where she stayed all night, etc.
Zacheus Curtis and Luk Wakelin deposed that they heard John How say that Daniell Blacke was a jealous fellow, etc.
Luke Wakelin and Katherine Wakelin testified that John How had often given Judah Trumbole counsel not to keep in the company of Goodwife Black for fear trouble would come to him, etc.
Daniel Black, complained of by John How for abuse, was bound, July 23, 1664, by Samuel Symonds to appear at the next Ipswich court.
John Danfed deposed that after working at the plains one day, he called at John How’s and saw Goodwife Blake there by the loom-side shelling pease and heard her say that she would be at John How’s in spite of her husband’s teeth.
Zacikes Curtes, jr., testified that he heard Edmond Briges say that John How’s wife came, etc.
Luke Wakelin deposed that he went with Daniel Blake to John How’s house to find his wife, and Goodwife How whispered to deponent to ask Blake to go to deponent’s house to get a ladder and then she could get Goodwife Blake away, etc.
William Smith deposed that Goodman Bridges said that his sister Faith might live as well with Daniel Blake as any poor woman in Topsfield, but her proud spirit was enough to provoke anyone to do things that he would not do at another time, etc. — Sept. ^7, 1664.
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Edward Neland, upon his presentment for striking another man’s boy, was fined, and for taking up a beast from another man’s common was admonished. — Sept, 1664.
John How, presented for a lie, was fined. > •
John How, presented for slandering and reproaching the town of Topsfield, was fined. 1
Samuel Perlay testified that as he and John How were going to Topsfeald, the latter took a paper out of his pocket and read to him verses concerning Goodwife Pe- body, Goodwife Clarke and Goodwife Andrus. These women were named in the first verse, to this effect, that these three women “do together flock and so they spend their husband’s stock and master woodkock shall be preacher to those women, he ned not study above an ower or two in on week,” etc.
Edmond Bridges testified that he heard John How say that Topsfeld town had persecuted five or six of God’s people out of the town, and his father being a godly man, they were against his coming to Topsfeld. Likewise he said that he, being one of the seed of the faithful, was a victim of their spite and they would turn him out likewise. He also said that he was like Lot in Sodom, and that he would tell the court so when he went there. Sworn in court.
Samuel Perley deposed that John How told him that he made the verses that were lost in Goodman Briggeses shop, etc. — Sept, 1664.
Capt. George Corwin v. Francis Baites. Debt. John Hathorne jr., took oath in court to the truth of the ac- count. Verdict for plaintiff.
Writ, dated 19:9:1664, signed by Hillyard Veren, for the court, and served by Isack Estey, constable of Tops- feild, by attachment of seven pounds in the hands of Dan- ill Clarcke. — Nov. 2g^ 1664.
Execution, dated Aug. 29, 1664, against William Prichet to satisfy judgment granted Mr. Edmond Batter at Salem court of 30:4:1663, signed by Hillyard Veren, cleric, and served by Henery Skerry, marshal of Essex, by attach- ment of two acres and a half of meadow in Topsfeld,
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which he delivered by turf and twig to Mr, Batter. — Nov.
1664.
John Andrews served on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Mar. 28, 1665.
Thomas Baker was sworn constable for Topsfield. — Mar. 28^ 166^.
Robert Andrews v. The constable of Rowley. Trespass upon replevin. Verdict for defendant.
Writ of replevin, dated Mar. 23, 1664-5, deliver a black two year old heifer to Robard Andros, sr., distrained by the constable of Rouely, signed by John Redington, for the court, and served by Isack Estey, constable of Topesfeld.
Isack Estey’s receipt, as constable of Topsfeld, to Robart Andrews, sr., for the country rate for 1664.
, ' Agreement, dated Jan. 18, 1653, between Joseph Jew- iett of Rowley and Thomas Dorman, Willeam Emanes, Thomas Houlat and Frances Paybody of Topsfeld, for a parcel of land in Rowley in a village lately agreed on by the town of Rowley, which said Jewett sold to them for yoli. to be paid at Jewett’s house in Rowley in corn or cattle, etc. Wit: Jerimiah Jewett and John Tod. — Mar. 28^ 166^.
Zacheous Gould v. The constable of Rowley. Tres- pass upon replevin. Verdict for defendant. — Mar. 28., 1665.
Daniell Black was sentenced to be whipped or pay a fine. — Mar. 28^
The constable of Topsfield returned that Mr. Perkings was not at home and could not be summoned to answer his presentment. — Apr. 166^.
Zacheus Goold v. Richard Swan, constable of Rowly. Review of an action tried at the last Ipswich court. Ver- dict for defendant. Court did not accept the verdict.
Writ, dated June 16, 1665, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and signed by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich.
John Pickat and Ezekel Northen deposed that Zacheus Gould and others bought land of Joseph Juat, late of Rowly, called Rowly Village land. Said Gould had one lot bounded by Fishing brook on the east and north to An-
64 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
dever line, and by the Governor’s farm and Ipswich river on the south to a tree on the turn of the river and Price’s meadow, and from there to the eight mile tree near Andover bounds, etc. Sworn, Apr. 3, 1662, before Daniel Denison.
Copies of writ to replevin Zacheus Gould, distrained by the constable of Rowley, the return of the constable, Isaack Estey, the records of Ipswich court in this action, receipt tor Gould’s country rates for 1664, and of the de- positions of John Pickard and Ezekiell Northend taken 29:1 :i664, all made by Robert Lord, cleric.
Jeremiah Elsworth and Richard Swan, deposed that there was a country rate ordered and Gould’s land was in- cluded, etc. Copy made by Robert Lord, cleric.
Thomas Howlett of Ipswich deposed that, being desired by Rowley men, he helped lay out the three hundred acres that Mr. Paine bought of Capt. Patrick, the latter having received it from the General Court. Mr. Paine exchanged it with Rowley men, and this is the land upon which Zacheous Gould and John Gould now live. Copy made by Robert Lord, cleric.
Tho. Houlitt, sr., aged about sixty years, deposed that the five hundred acres in Mr. Endicoot’s farm, with these three hundred acres of Gould’s, he laid out, etc. Sworn in court.
Mr. John Putman, aged about thirty-six years, and John Gould, aged about twenty-eight years, deposed that they saw the General Court order signed by Mr. Rason for Ensign Howlit and Corporall Gage, of Ipswich, and also the deed from Joseph Juit’s executors to Zacheas Gould. Sworn in court.
Copy of the General Court order. Sept. 3, 1643, signed by Edward Rawson, secry., granting to Ipswich inhabi- tants, who for more than two years had supported preach- ing there, the right to form a settlement, Mr. John Ende- cott, Mr. Bradstreet, Mr. Symonds, Mr. Whittingham, Mr. William Payne and Mr. Robert Payne to perform the same, etc.
John Wiles, aged about forty-six years, deposed that about twenty-one years ago, etc., Gould’s farm adjoined another farm also granted Mr. Wm. Paine by the town of Ipswich, etc. Sworn in court.
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Willm. Howard, aged about fifty-six years, deposed that sixteen years ago Zacheas Gould possessed the house that he now lives in and the land which was often called Mr. Pattrick’s farm. Also that Gould had paid toward the ministry at Topsfeild village for many years, etc. Sworn in court. — -Ju7te ^7, 166^.
William (his mark) Nicolls of Topsfeild, on i : 10 : 1664, acknowledged a debt of nine pounds to Henry Bartholmew of Salem. Wit: Samuel Archard. — June2J^ ^^^5-
Isaack Comings served on the grand jury and Daniell Hovey served on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 26, 1665.
Edmond Bridges v. Edward Richards. Debt. Of 48s. in bar iron. Verdict for plaintiff.
Writ, dated Sept. 7, 1665, served by John Fuller, for the court, and served by Thomas Browne, constable of Lyn, by attachment of house and land of defendant.
Edward (his mark ) Richards of Lyn, on Nov. 29, 1663, agreed with Edmond Bridgis of Topsfeeld, for the ex- change of a mare and horse, etc. Wit: Daniell Salmon and Margey (her mark) Salmon. Owned in court by de- fendant.
Ralph King deposed that being at Mr. Gidney’s in Salem, he and Edward Briges agreed that 43s. to be paid to Mr. John Payne at Boston would satisfy for the whole bill of bar iron due from Edward Richerdson. Sworn in cotirt.
Ed. Brigis bill of cost, ili. 3s. — Sept. 26.^ ^^^5.
Edward Richards declared in court before Mr. Wm. Perkins’ face, that the latter being asked whither he was going, said to hell for aught he knew. Mr. Perkins ap- peared and denied the testimony, and was ordered to ap- pear at the next Salem court. — Sept. 26^
Thomas Dorman was released from training he paying what he pleased to the company. — Sept. 26^
Mr. William Perkins, ordered by the Ipswich court to appear to answer for misdemeanors, and not appearing, court ordered a warrant to be issued for his appearance at the next Ipswich court.
Summons, dated Nov. 23, 1665, to Abraham Hill, and
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Sarah, his wife, and Isaack Shepard, to appear as witnesses^ signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and returned by John Wayt.
John Pauli, aged about thirty-seven years, deposed that the last January, being at Mr. Samueil Bennett’s house, he saw Mr. Perkings riding upon his horse from the direction of William Edmonds’ house and John Goold came after from mending his stirrup, as Goodwife Edmonds told de- ponent. At that time deponent saw Mr. Perkings reel first on one side and then on the other, so that it was feared he would fall off, etc. Sworn at Malden, 13:8:1665, be- fore Will. Brakenbury and John Wayte, commissioners.
William Edmonds and his wife deposed. Sworn in court.
Isack (his mark) Shepherd, aged about twenty-two years, deposed that he saw Mr. Perckines, who sometimes lived at Waymouth, at the Malden ordinary, and he called for sack. Goody Hill told him that he had had too much already, and Master Perkens replied, “if you thinke I am drunke let me se if i Can not goe.” He went tottering about the kitchen and said the house was so full of pots and kettles that he could hardly go, and he asked depo- nent to call the constable to set him in the stocks if he were drunk, “and I tould him that I was a going and wente aboute my besenes.” Sworn, Oct. 27, 1665, before Thomas Danforth.
Abraham Hill testified at Maldon, Mar. 10, 1664-5, that “this man Caled M’' Perkins who some time lined at Wa- moth, since I here hath or doth line at Tarpsal,” showed by his carriage the signs of a drunken man.
An, wife of William Edmonds, deposed. Sworn in court.
Bill of cost, for the two Scotchmen’s testimony. Cornet Sprage for bringing testimony, etc., i8s. 6d. — Nov. 28^ 1665.
Ned a cockett, an Indian, came before the Worshipful Mr. Samueil Symonds and Major Genrll. Denison, on Dec. 7, 1665, and acknowledged judgment to John Gold. Also Humphry, an Indian, Ned a cockett’s brother, acknowl- edged judgment to John Gold. — Mar. ^7, 1666.
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 67
Isaack Comings was sworn constable of Topsfield. — Mar, ^7, 1666,
Edmond Bridges, in behalf of the town of Topsfield v. Samiiell Cuttler. Verdict for plaintiff. — Mar. ^7, 1666.
Jo. Gould V. Rich. Hutcheson. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff
John Hutchinson, aged about twenty-three years, de- posed that his father sent him to John Gold’s to bring the mares home, but the latter refused to deliver them, pre- tending great damage done in his hay for which he re- quired five pounds, and saying that he had taken them up for strays. Sworn in court.
Zaccheus Gould and Thomas Baker deposed that Hutch- inson agreed to pay what two men adjudged the damage to be. Sworn in court. — Mar. ^7, 1666.
Mr. William Perkings was fined for excessive drinking. — Mar. 1666.
Mr. William Perkins appeared in open court Mar. 28, and publicly exhibited a complaint or accusation against Mr. Thomas Gilbert, minister of Topsfield, that in public pra)’ers and sermons at several times he uttered speeches of a high nature, reproachful and scandalous to the King’s Majesty and his government, mentioning several witnesses. Court issued warrants for said Gilbert’s and the witnesses’ appearance, and on Mar. 29, they appeared and were sworn. The court, apprehending the case to be extra- ordinary, both in its nature and tendency, without prece- dent in this country, and there being no laws here to pro- vide against such offences, whereby any inferior court might be directed, they referred the matter to the next General Court of Election, all parties to appear there. Thomas Gilbert was bound in loooli. Mr. Thomas Cob- bitt and Mr. William Hubberd, sureties.
Wm. Perkins, sr.’s complaint: “Impri. Hee, y® s^ rnr.
Gilbert in his publiq Ministry s^ Where is their God, & good Causes This hath oft bin Cast in y® saints dishs since
y® king Came to y® Crowne, & this last sad hath bin
made, 2^^ Bee not troubled for this last sad puidence w®^ hath befalen our Native Countries though it bee a most sad one : christ hath all power, & is by this a Ripen-
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COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
ing his Church for deliverance, let us therefore Resolue to stand or fall y® Church of Christ, whose side is y® strongest side 3^^ As y® Apostles, when they sawe Christ dead & buried thought themsel. mistaken in taking him for y® Savior, & messiah pmised, soe (said hee)-God hath deceived us, Wee looked for glorious dayes, for dayes of Reformation, in Ingland, Scotland, & Ireland; but he held a Crooked providence liath Crost our expectation, God hath befoold us all. 4*^ What a braue day had wee in Ingland &c, but wee fell a quarrelling each w*h other, & have lost all, 5^^ Judgement begins at God his house, to unite God his people who in time of Peace will fall out for 6^, as in R. Eliza*^^ time, soe y® Presbj^tereans & Inde- pendants in y® Protectors dayes; but now since y® King is Come in, they would bee glad to agree each w^h other if they might. 6^^ I am loath (said hee) to make such a Construction of y® prodigies w®'^ haue hapned in old Ingl : y® like to w®^ were never knowne ; what God meanes I knowe not, but sure I am it lyeth very heavy upon God ■ — his people in Ingl. Scotl. & in Ireland. 7^^ praying hee desired God to saue his people in old Ingl. wading under great oppression: y® purity of Religion ( s^ hee) is y® Controversy this day. Lord iudge twixt us & others, who is in y® Right, & hauing made mention of y® King, & Bishops, & such like in Ingland: Auenge thyselfe (s^ hee) on them, y^ are no true freinds to Christ. 8^^ Praying for y® people of God in old Ingl. whome hee mentioned as under sad pressure, & heavy oppressions, hauing lost their godly Ministers, (hee s^) wilt thou not auenge thine Elect oh Lord, who cry unto thee dayly? Auenge them (s^ hee) auenge them, & y^ speedily. 9^^ In his marke of a Thorough Conuiction, hee s^ If I doe soe or soe, the King & his Commissioners will take away my house & lott, buty® true Conuert will say Let all goe rather then fle sin ; I speake upon experience, for I was put upon it, in old Ingl. ether to let a good Livelyhood goe, or to act against my Conscience, but I shrink not at y® ptingw^^^ all there, & I hope God will helpe mee to part w^^ Topsfeild also.
“10^^ Hee s*^ further, y® saints shall never bee quiet,
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 69
but bee hanged, drawne & quartered till y® wicked bee in hell, but y® needy shall not always be forgotten pray-
ing hee begged of God ether to forgiue y® King his piury, or to make him sensible of it, or to give him Repentance for it. 12^^ A poore dead saint is better y^ y® Prince upon y® Throne, is wicked & piiired. Mistake mee not, as if I spake concerning our Kitig, God preserue our King, & teach him to take good Courses, & remooue euell Coun- sellors from him. 13^^ It. Tis better to bee heere poore, & to line in y® wildernesse being Couenant keepers, then to sit on y® Throne & bee Couenant brakers. 14 It. Hee begd of God to Conuert y® King, & ye Royall family from their Idolatry & supstition : such expressions hee oft used. 15 & y® 12 of Febr. 64. hee used y® expression applyed to y® King also. 16 It. Follow not any tho neuer soe great, or graue, further then they followe Christ: The
King (s^ hee) did soe, yea, but if we doe soe, wee may goe to hell; 17 It. The wicked shall bee burned into hell, &c. because God is able to throwe them thither, whether they bee great or smale, John such an one, Lord such an one. My Lady such an one & my Sovereigne such an one: 18 It. In prayer hee s*^. Wee are apt to
Complaine of o*’ King, & Parliament, & GoiF® : but Wee haue more neede to Complaine of our sel. & sins; twas our sins, y® sins of Professors, that Caused these Changes, were it not for our sins, God might (for ought wee knowe) make our King a saint, yea an eminent saint; hee made a Saul a Paul, & why may he not doe as much for our King? did not our sins prevent mercy from us: 19 If there were no punishment for wicked men after this life, then y® Bishop of London, Yorke, & Andrewes, &c. would bee y® big prestmen, as ungodly men, who only minde this world, pfessedly wicked.
“20. True knowledge is a growing knowledge, when as other knowledge opposed by Princes dyeth away, &c. The L. (s^ hee) blesse our King, let us pray for our K. but if our King bee out of y® way, or in a wrong way: Let us not part w^h our Religion to serue the humor of Princes, or men: 21 It. A 3*^ use to showe y® Reason why y® godly dare not appeare in Ingk to fast, & pray, &c.
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he added, But there is a time a Coming or hastning, when y® scale shall bee turned. Praying for y® King, hee de- sired God to remooue from him Flatterers, & Clan-backs, & to place about him such as are faithfull; 23. It. upon psal. 120.10. hee s^, when y® Parliament shall Cut soe many eminent Ministers of their imployments. This made y® Act more bitter, than if y® Bishops had done it. This (s^ hee) argues God angry w^h us; thus hee acknowl- edgethj’^y® Parliament Cuts Ministers, yet in another Article hee saith such as silence ministers, are as Paul tearmes Elymas, y® Children of y® Deuill, enemies of all Righteousness, 24. It. praying hee desired of God y^ it might in y® 3 kingdomes Ingl. Scotl. & Ireland, goe well w^h all, y^ suffer for a good Conscience, & for that blessed Couenant, & y^ hee added what shall it bee Counted a Crime, fitt to be punished by y® Judges, to pleade for it. 25. I came hither to N. E. (s^ hee j to keepe my selfe from piury, from prelates, from Common-prayer-booke : & shall wee now }’eald to these, to please princes, great men, to gett a Lining, & belly Timber. 26. After y® Newes Came of Gillom his being taken, hee prayed to God to shewe Ingl. y® Cause of his Contending w^h by sword & pestilence & y^ hee added, y^ God was now auenging y® quarrell of y® Couenant, against them : & something hee spake of God his taking our ill-willers to taske, & oft hee Called them to account by his puidence against them, blasting them & their enterprises. 27. The last Sabbath in 8^^ 65. in prayer hee s^ y^ God was now auenging upon them y® breach of y® Couenant, & though ministers durst not say soe, yet God him-selfe was a pciaiming to y® world, how horrid a sin it is to breake Couenant. Besides seuerall other unfitting expressions Concerning many others, w®^ (loath to bee too trouble- some) I omitt.” Sworn in court.
Wm. Evans, aged about forty years, deposed. Sworn in court.
Thomas Howlet, sr., aged about sixty }'ears, and James How, sr., aged sixty-one years, deposed. Sworn in court.
Richard Hutten deposed that he heard Mr. Gilbard preach at Wennam about four )-ears ago, and expounding
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD /I
the second Psalm, “I haue sett my king upon my holy Hill,” he said that Christ Jesus should reign in spite of all the devil’s kings, do what they can. Sworn in court.
Isaacke Cummings, sr , aged sixty-five years, deposed that “I haue seriously Considered of all the perticulcr Charges giuen in vnto the Honered Courte against the said master Gilbird of Topsfeild, it is well knowne both to Topsfeild and Ipswich y^ I stand Related to Ipswich Church in which respect I haue bene many saboths at Ipswich,” etc. He testified to a few things that he heard and he considered such remarks “not safe or y^ which did not concerne master Gilbird to meddell withall.” Sworn in court.
Edmon'Bridges, aged twenty-nine years, deposed that Mr. Gelbart said at Mr. Cobbit’s that he heard that the King’s bastard son was dead, and upon being reproved, said “may not a man spak the treulh.” That he said God was avenging the breach of that blessed covenant by visit- ing the land with sword and pestilence, speaking of Charles I., and also used this expression “Good lord be intreted for the son thoue thow wouldst not for the father.” Also, that there was a blessed covenant made between the King and Scotland, which the King had broken and that God would never let it go unpunished. Also in expounding the second Psalm he said “be wise you king, the kings of y® erth ar assis and thay ar the scum of the erth let the devills kings dow what thay can against us if we stand for king Christ.”
Daniel Hovey, aged forty-eight years, the 29:1:1666, deposed. Sworn in court.
Edmund Towne deposed that the substance of Mr. Perkins’ indictment against Mr. Gilbart was true, etc. Sworn in court. — Mar. ^7, 1666,
Elizabeth Medcalfe, executrix of the estate of Joseph Medcalfe, and Thomas Medcalfe v. Edward Nealand. Trespass. For felling trees, fencing and breaking up their land. Verdict for defendant.
John Dane deposed that being at Goodman Medcafe’s when he was very ill, a little while before his death, there was some discussion about Edward Nealling’s carrying on
72 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
his wife’s work after said Medcalf’s death. Goodman Medcalf’s son Thomas would not agree to give said Ed- ward assurance of a parcel of land which the latter had bought of Goodman Medcalf unless Edward would promise to do his mother’s work during her life at a groat a day, which he refused. Thomas told his father that the latter could not give assurance of it without his consent, because half belonged to said Thomas. The old man desired earnestly and mournfully that he would do it and be sat- isfied by some of his other land. The father owned that he had received his pay and deponent saw a deed of it on the table.
Copy of deed, dated June 5, 1664, Joseph Metcalfe, of Ipswich, seaman, Eliza, (her mark) Metcalfe and Thomas Medcalfe, in consideration for work to be performed, to Edward Nealand of Ipswich, Irishman, seven acres, bound- ed northwest by John Kimball, north by the highway, and the remainder on his other land, etc.
Nathaniell Perly, aged about twenty-two years, deposed.
John Perly, aged about twenty-eight years, deposed concerning the fence which Neland had put up, etc.
James Howe, jr., aged about thirty years, deposed that he helped to break up the land, and that Joseph Metcalfe told him that he had received from Neland in payment for the land half a mare. Also that Neland was to work for Metcalfe four pence per day cheaper than for another man, etc.— June 26^ 1666.
Christopher Milton v. Edmund Bridges. Debt. Ver- dict for plaintiff, defendant to deliver the cow or pay a fine.
Writ, dated May 14, 1666, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Isaacke Commings, jr., deputy constable for Isaacke Commings, sr., constable of Tops- field.
Edmund Bridges’ bill of charges, ili. iis. 6d.
Bond of Edmond Bridges and John Wiles, sr., of Tops- feld for Bridges appearance at the constable’s pleasure at his father’s house in Ipswig, etc. Wit: Isaac Comings, jr., deputy constable. Neither party appeared upon the date set.
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 73
Bond of Edmond Bridges of Topsfeild, dated 16:1 : 1665, to Christopher Milton of Ipseigh, for 4li. 3s lod. to be paid to Thomas Boushap, merchant, of Ipsich, and for security he offered his black cow which he tendered John Numarch. Wit: John Gould and John Kenarick — -June 26^ 1666.
The inhabitants of Topsfeild and the villagers adjoining thereunto, having by order of Major Danyell Denyson, met together in a military way and chose officers of a foot company of train soldiers, as follows, John Redington, sergeant-in chief to command the company, Joseph Bigs- by, sr., sergeant, Abraham Redington, sr., clerk, and Ed- mund Towne, John Cumins and William Smith, corporals, the court confirmed them.
Petition to the court to confirm these officers, dated Topsfeild, 21 :4:i666, signed by Daniel Hovey and Wil- liam (his mark) Avril, in the name of the rest. Thomas Perkins and Jacob Town were appointed to present the petition for the company. — -Jtme 26^ 1666.
Edmond Bridges acknowledged judgment to John Goold. — June 26^ 1666,
Thomas Perkins served on the grand jury and John Gould on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Sept. 25, 1666.
John Baker and Obadiah Bridges, convicted of night walking, attempting to break the pound, running away and not standing, being required by the watchmen, two or three times coming to the pound, were fined and ordered to pay costs to Esay Wood and Samuell Graves. — Sept, ^5, 1666.
Record of strays in the court book of Ipswich: —
John Gould entered, Dec. 9, 1665, a sorrell horse colt two years old with a flaxen mane and tail appraised at 3li. 15s. by Edward Towne and Zacheous Curtice, sr.
John Reddington entered, Dec. 14, 1665, ^ dark bay mare about three years old, her mane hanging on the near eye, appraised at 4H. by John Wild and William Smith.
John Gould entered, Jan. 22, 1665, a brown dark bay mare branded with an S and B., also a bay colt with a star in the forehead, appraised at 61i. los., by Zacheous Gould and Robert Smith. — Sept, .25, 1666,
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Jon. Goold V. Edw. Coldborne. For taking away a stray colt. Referred to the bench. Judgment for plaintiff.
Writ, dated Nov. 13, 1666, signed by Robert Lord, for the court, and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich, by attachment of two heifers.
John Gould on Dec. 9, 1665, took up a stray horse colt of about two years old, etc. Copy of record of strays, made Nov. 13, 1666, by Robert Lord, recorder.
John Gould’s bill of costs, 5H. 13s. 8d.
Edward Cobourne, aged about forty years, and his son, John Cobourne, deposed. Sworn in court.
Thomas Baker deposed that as he was riding to Ipswig he met John Coborn riding to Topsfild and told him of the stray horse at John Gould’s. This horse had been cried at Topsfild and deponent, being constable there, gave notice to the constable of Ipswich to do the same. Sworn in court.
Richard Hutton, aged about forty years, deposed. Sworn in court.
John Curtis and John Umphrey deposed that a colt was in John Gould’s English pasture, etc. Sworn, Nov. 23, 1666, before Daniel Denison.
Zacheus Gould and James Hanscombe deposed. Sworn, Nov. 23, 1666, before Daniel Denison.
John Robison deposed that he was at work in John Gould’s yard with Gould, etc. That the day before Thanksgiving, he saw this colt with a withe about his neck and that Gould told his servants to withe him if they ever found him without one, etc. Sworn in court.
Tho. Lowthroppe deposed that while seeking for a mare of his which he found in the field of Goodman Smith at Topsfeild, he saw the colt in controversy which had neither withe nor wreath about his neck.
Edward Bridges deposed concerning the marks. Sworn in court.
Zacheus Curtis deposed. Sworn in court.
Zacheus Curtis and John Robison deposed that Good- man Colborn said that Capt. Layterup sent him, etc. Sworn in court.
Joshua Ray, aged about twenty-nine years, deposed. Sworn in court. — Nov. 1666.
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 75
John Goold acknowledged judgment to Mr. Edmund Batter, part to be paid in wheat and part in young neat cattle. — Nov. ^7, 1666.
Births in Topsfield, 1666: —
Pheabe, daughter of Joseph and Pheabe Towne, May 4. John, son of Isack and Mary Cumings, June 7.
Damaris, daughter of Thomas and Judeth Dorman, Aug. 3, John, son of John and Hana Pebody, Aug. 28.
Benjamen, son of Edmond and Mary Towne, May 26. Edmond, son of Jacob and Cathorne Towne, July 2I. Tho., son of Daniell and Hana Boorman, July 15.
Jobe, son of William and Hana Averell, Jan. i.
Thomas, son of John and Sarah Gould, Feb. 14.
Marriage in Topsfield, 1666: —
John Perkens and Deborah Browning, Nov. 28.
per John Redington, cleric.
“Topsfield, here is the names of those that are in a Rate to defray the Townes detes which have not payed which arise before the lOth of February : 1664 Daniel Clarke, 8s.; Thomas Dorman, sr., ili. is.; Thomas Dorman, jr., 6s. 7d. ; William Averill, 6s. lod.; Isack Cumines, sr., 4s. 7d. ; Isack Cumines, jr., 13s. 46.; Anthony Carill, 4s.; Thomas Averill, i is. 5d. ; Thomas Hobes, 7s. 8d. ; Thomas Brownig, 8s. 8d. ; William Smith, 4s. 76. ; Johri French, 4s. 2d.; Edmond Bridges, 5s. id.; Daniell Blacke, 3s. 4d. ; Jackob Townes, 8s. 2d. Isacke Estey, 6s. 6d. ; William Townes, is. 4d. ; Joseph Townes, 9s. 6d. ; Edmond Townes, 9s. 7d ; James Watters, 2s. i id. ; William Nichols, los. i id. ; John Nicholes, 4s. 3d. ; Lucke Weaklin,4s. id. ; Mr. William Perkins, 14s. yd. ; Mr. Gote, Richard Kimball and Thomas Fiske, los. 6d. ; Barzila Barker, 2s. 2d. ; Robard Androus, 4s. 4d. ; Even Mories, is. 9d. ; John Dauece, is. 9d. ; William Haeden, is. 9d.; William Prichate, is. Qd. ; Farmer Pourter, 7s.; Thomas Putnam, is. 3d.; Nathainell Putnam, is. 9d. ; John Putnam, 8d. : Jusua Raie, iid.; Goodman Herick, iid.; Roger Haskell, 8d. ; Quid Blacke. 4d. ; William Dogge, sr., is.; John Dogge, is.; Richard Kimball, 9d.; John Rament, 8d. ; William Rament, 4d. ; Samuell Corning, is. 2d.; Goodman Grover, sr., 2d.; Edmond Bushop, is. 2d. ; John Grover, 2d. ; Joseph Roots,
76 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
6d. ; Jacob Barnie, sr., lod. ; Jacob Barnie, jr., lod. ; John Pouland. 4d. ; Mr. Endicoate, Governor, los. ; Sam- uell Guttler, 13s. Signed by John Gould, in the name of the selectmen.
Thomas Perkins served on the grand jury and Thomas Baker on the jury of trials at Ipswich, Mar. 26, 1667.
Zorobabell Endicott v. Daniell Hovey and Edmond Bridges, in behalf of the town of Topsfield. Withdrawn. Edmond Bridges allowed costs. — Mar. 26., 166'/.
Mr, Wm. Perkins v. Mr. Thomas Gilbert. Defamation. Two cases. Withdrawn. — Mar. 26.^ 166/.
Edward Neland v. Thomas Lovell. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff.
Writ, dated Mar. 18, 1666-7, signed by Robert Lord, for the court and served by Robert Lord, marshal of Ipswich.
Sarah Waree deposed that at the last Fast day at night she heard Thomas Loveell say that his master Baker should have the frame before he would keep it any longer. Sworn in court.
John Woodham deposed that he heard that Tho. Lovell had bought or was about to buy Wore’s house of Neland, and upon deponent asking said Lovell, the latter said he had not bought it. Deponent told him that nobody should meddle with any house upon his ground and forewarned said Thomas, before Deacon Knowlton, not to come upon his ground. Sworn in court.
Edward Neland’s bill of cost, ili. 7s. lod.
John Baker, sr., deposed that Lovill offered to allow him ten shillings, etc. Sworn in court.
Martha Anthru, aged about twenty-three )'ears, deposed that in the spring of 1666, Lovell at her father’s house owned a debt to Nealand, which he promised to pay next Michelmas to deponent’s father Mr. Baker, in corn or cat- tle, according to bond. Sworn in court.
Sarah Warr, aged nineteen years, deposed. Sworn in court. — Mar. 26., i66j.
Obadiah Bridges appearing for the crime laid to him by Lidia Browne, court ordered that he appear at the next Ipswich court. Edmond Bridges, sr., and Edmond Bridges, jr., bound.
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 77
Examination of Samuel French: That after Obadiah
Bridges came out of the room from Lydia Browne, he went in, etc. Taken, Feb. 22, 1666, before Daniel Denison.
Bond of Samuel French, Ens. Thomas French and Thomas F'rench, jr., acknowledged, Feb. 22, 1666, before Daniel Denison.
Thomas French, aged about thirty-two years, deposed that Bridges told him of his relations with Liddy, etc.
Edmond Bridges and John Bridges testified that Sam- uel PTench said after he had been before the Major and taken oath against Obadiah Bridges that he was so scared, never having been before a magistrate before, that he said what he did for fear.
Edmund Bridges, sr., and wife Mary deposed that hear- ing a rumor that William Warner and Ephraim French were able to witness in this case, they asked the former to tell the truth and he said that the room in which they were was not a private one, etc.
Edmund Bridges, sr., and John Bridges testified that Lidiah Browne said that she never saw any harm in Oba- diah except this one time, etc.
Examination of Lydia Browne, taken Feb. 29, 1666, before Daniel Denison : that about twenty-three weeks since Bridges and French came to the house of Daniel Warner, her father-in-law, in the evening pretending to visit a brother-in-law who was in the house. Her father and mother were that day gone to Boston, and she went into another room followed by Bridges who shut the door and pulled in the latch, etc.
Examination of Obadiah Bridges, taken Feb. 20, 1666, before Daniel Denison : that he was innocent of the charge and could prove it, etc. Bond of Obadiah Bridges, Ed- mund Bridges, sr., and Edmund Bridges, jr.
Samuel P*rench deposed that he went out of the room and lighted a pipe of tobacco, and came back and knocked at the door where Bridges and Lydia were, etc. — Mar. 26^ i66y.
Christopher Milton acknowledged judgment to Daniell Hovey. — Apr. jo, /ddy.
John Goold, chosen ensign of the foot company of Tops- field, was confirmed.— ^5, /dd/.
;8 COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
William Nicholls was dismissed from common training, paying 5s. yearly to the use of the company of Topsfield. — June ^5, i66y.
John Redington served on the grand jury and John French on the jury of trials at Ipswich, S^pt. 24, 1667.
Daniil Hovey v. Robert Andrews. Trespass. With- drawn.— Sept. 2^^ i66y.
Daniil Hovey v. John How. Trespass for pulling up his fence. Withdrawn. — Sept. 24^ 166^.
Mr. Wm. Perkins v. Mr. Thomas Gilbert. Defamation. Verdict for defendant. Court did not accept the verdict.
Ed. Bridges deposed that upon Sabboth day last, he heard Mr. Gilbartt say that men must repent of what they had done or else go to hell and he prayed that the necks of all who opposed the ministers of the Gospel should be broken. Owned in court by Mr. Gilbert. — Sept. 2/f.’i i66y .
Mr. Wm. Perkins v. Mr. Tho. Gilbert. Verdict for de- fendant. Court did not accept the verdict. — Sept. 24^ i66y.
Daniel Hovey, for speaking falsely to the prejudice of Major Genii. Denison, was fined and ordered to pay costs to Zacheous Gould.
John How and John Gould deposed that Daniel Hovey said that the Major did not declare his sentence in public, but what he did was done after he was gone. Further that John Gould whispered to the Major when he was go- ing away, etc. Also if any one should go down to make a complaint of him to the Major, the latter had promised that he would not hear them nor grant a warrant until he came, etc. Sworn in court. — Sept. i66y.
Ordered that when the con.'itables of Topsfield clear with the treasurer of all that is behind, the treasurer shall pay them five pounds. — Sept. 2^^ i66y.
Obadiah Bridges was referred to this court, and desiring to be tried by a jury, he was found guilty of very uncivil carriages and suspicions of the act of uncleanness. He was ordered to pa}^ a fine and cost of the jur}\ — Sept. 2^.^ t66j.
John Clarke v. Alexander Tompson and his wife. Slan- der. Verdict for plaintiff.
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD 79
Complaint, dated Aug. 17, 1667, of Alexander Tomson and wife Deliverans against John Clerke of Wenham : She said that on July 18, Clerke came into her house with her husband to light their pipes of tobacco, and after her husband had gone to reaping, Clerke smoked awhile and going to the end of the house called to her husband to come in and smoke. He answered that he would when they had carried another end. Clerke came back and tried to kiss her, but having her child in her arms, the child cried out, etc. This complaint was heard by Mr. Samuel Symonds.
Hanna, wife of Philip Welsh, deposed that being at the house of John Clerke of Wenham at last Salem court time, at the request of said Clerke and his wife, to look after their children. Clerke came home early, leaving his wife at Salem, and soon after he came in, “haveing asked her if she would let him kisse her & she refusing by violence he did kisse her against her will.” Sworn, Aug. 20, 1667, before Samuel Symonds.
On Aug. 20, 1667, John Clerke, upon further like testi- mony of Hanna Welsh, was bound to good behavior, said Tomson was bound to prosecute and Hanna Welsh and Henry Haggett were to appear as witnesses. — Sept. 2^.^ i66y.
Mr. Wm. Perkins was discharged of his presentment. — Nov. 14., i66y.
Ensign John Gould served on the jury of trials at Ips- wich, Mar. 31, 1668.
Edward Neland, aged about twenty-five years, deposed in the tresspass suit of Elizabeth Fuller, executrix to John Fuller, deceased v. Samuell Younglove. — Mar. ji., 1668.
Mr. Wm. Pateson v. John How. Appeal from a judg- ment of Major Hathorne. Verdict for defendant, the confirmation of the former judgment. Court did not ac- cept this verdict. — Mar. j/, 1668.
Mr. Wm. Pateson v. Daniell Black. Debt. Verdict for plaintiff. — Mar. j/, 1668.
Mr, Wm. Patteson v. Edmond Bridges. Debt. Ver- dict for plaintiff. — Mar. j/, 1668.
John How V. Mr. William Pateson. Defamation. Ver- dict for plaintiff. — Mar. j/, 1668.
8o
COURT RECORDS RELATING TO TOPSFIELD
Mr. Win. Pateson v. Anthony Carrell. Defamation, Verdict for defendant.
Writ: Mr. William Patteeson v. Anthony Carrill ; de- famation ; for reporting that he heard Hackaiiah Bridges say at Mr. Baker’s that he heard it spoken at Edward Dear’s house that plaintiff stole from his master in Bar- badoes fifteen hundred pounds, and further reported that Ed. Deare’s wife replied “I doubt Hacaliah is mistaken for the marchent himself did owne he stole five hundred pounds from his master;” dated Jan. 27, 1667; signed by Robert Lord, for the court; and served by Robert Lord, marshal, by attachment of farm and house of defendant, and. not giving security, he committed him to prison.
William Norton deposed that he heard Anthony Caryll own Mr. Patersen’s charge against him, etc. John Edwards deposed the same. Sworn in court.
Mr. Patteeson’s bill of costs, 2li. 6s. 8d.
Edmond Bridges, Hachaliah Bridges and Daniel Blacke deposed that Mr. Pattarson agreed to acquit Hachaliah Bridges if the other two deponents would testify that Anthony Carall reported the story. Sworn in court.
Robert Lord, jr., deposed that being in Mr. Patterson’s chamber with Mr. Norton and Anthony Carroll, etc. Sworn in court.
Andrew Petters and Robert Lord, jr., deposed that hav- ing occasion to be in Topsfeild, they met Hackaleah Bridges riding near the meeting house, and asked him why he allowed the poor man to lie in prison for words which he spoke himself and he replied that he went to Patteeson’s chamber, etc. Sworn in court.
Jonathan Ransford, aged thirty odd years, deposed that he, being in Barbados some years before at a great sessions, saw William Patterson stand at the bar, and upon inquiry what it was for, was told that it was for persuading Mr. Jno. Bawden’s man to let him have some of his master’s sugar to carry along with him in partnership. And after the jury had brought in their verdict, deponent saw said Petterson standing in a place called the “bale dock,” and inquiring how he got clear, they told him by a fine of some thousand of sugar. Sworn, Mar. 19, 1667-8, before Jno. Leverett, assistant.
{To be continued)
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH AND SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
BY M. V. B. PERLEY.
In the possession of the Ipswich Historical Society is an old account book formerly the property of James Howe, the emigrant ancestor, in which, not long before 1690, he inscribed the following record : —
“ Robert Howe lived in Hatfield-Broad-Oak, county Essex, England, where Sir Francis Barrington lived in Woodrow-Green; James, son of said Robert, in a place called Hockerill [or Bockerill], in Bishop-Stortford, — in the happy and gracious reign of King James I.”
The name How or Hoo is said to be of English deriva- tion, and to signify a high place, a hill, critically a hill in a valley. De la How, “ from the hill ”, was originally the name of the family. How also signifies knowe, whence Knolls, Knowles, Knox and Kneeland.
The totem of the How coat of arms is the wolf’s head ; and of the several arms, bearing that emblem, we select this one for this branch, because it once belonged to a How family of county Essex, England ; — “ Argent, a chevron between three wolves’ heads couped sable. Crest : — Out of a ducal coronet or a unicorn’s head gules, at- tired and crined of the first.”
James Howe first appears at Roxbury, where, with Abraham Howe, probably a brother, he was made a free- man, 17 May, 1687. During the next few years he was sometime in Salem, finally removing to Ipswich, where he was serving on the jury in December, 1611. Rev. John Norton, the minister of Ipswich, had asked the
(81)
82
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH
town to reserve “ at the Farms ”, now Linebrook*, two farms for some friends in England, whom he thought would come over. The friends declined the venture, and on motion of Mr. Norton, one of the farms was granted to James Howe, 11 June, 1650. The other William Norton sold to Abraham Foster, 7 July, 1659. They contained 100 acres each.
During that decade there were, in “ Ipswich-Farms ”, south of the Ipswich-Rowley boundary line and north of the Cochichawick-Agawam Indian trail, the present An- dover-Ipswich road through Linebrook, three farms, roughly outlined thus : Henry Batchelder’s, containing
about 80 acres, extending from Bullbrook pasture, in- cluding “ Hucttlebery Hill ”, “ joining upon the land betwext Rowley and Ipswich ”, to the present Newbury- port Turnpike ; then Abraham Foster’s of 100 acres, extending to the present New cemetery;! then James Howe’s of 100 acres, reaching to the common lands north of Baker’s, now Hood’s pond.
James Howe bought, 3 July, 1651, about 21 acres in three pieces adjoining Mr. Winthrop’s and Mr. Symonds’ farms. He also bought salt marsh, six acres, next Ipswich Hundreds, 7 Feb., 1647.
James Howe’s first house was built on the grant of 1650. Its location or exact site we do not find recorded. John Howe, sr., disclaimed “ any right in the first house my father built on his farm in Ipswich or any housing or land there ”. The new house was built before 1688, probably soon after the contract for the barn in 1683. The front door was driven full of nails, to prevent the Indians cutting through. James Howe, jr., lived in a
*The western part of Ipswich began to be called “ Ipswich Farms,” or “ The Farms,” about 1650, when the records begin to speak of “pprieties ” there. The western parts of Ipswich and of Rowley were incorporated a territorial parish, 5 June, 1746, which some time later was named Linebrook Parish. In 1814, the territo- rial function of the parish ceased by legislative act. The Ipswich part of the parish is “ Linebrook ” ; the Rowley part, “ Millwood”.
IThe territory of Linebrook Parish has had three cemeteries: the westernmost, on land given by J ohn Perley, 1725, called the Old cemetery; the one the Parish bought of Rev. Geo. Lesslie, 1763, called the Linebrook cemetery; and the New one, so cal ed, established by the town in 1888.
AND SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
83
THE ABRAHAM HOWE HOUSE. BUILT IN 1711,
small house not to be confused with the first dwelling. Abraham Howe, jr., built his house in 1711. Three of these four houses James Howe, sr., was familiar with, and two were known to the early boyhood of the writer.
The Howe estate of late years has been known as the homestead of Mrs. Eliza Howe Perley, whose father Aaron descends from James Howe, senior. The Abraham Howe house, built in 1711, formerly stood where the present barn stands, and was taken down about 1850. The “ witch house ”, in which lived James and Elizabeth Howe, formerly stood in the rear of the present house, the cellar being marked by a slight depression in the ground 196 feet over the knoll northeast from the well and 95 feet northwest from the oak tree. The de- pression has long been known in the family as “ Mary’s hole ”, having been named for Mary, the daughter of James Howe, who devotedly served him during his blind- ness and old age. The “ old house ”, occupied by James Howe, senior, probably stood near the fence south of the barn (see Essex Deeds, 27 : 173), and the “new house”, where Abraham Howe, senior, lived in 1688, formerly stood across the present highway some thirty feet in the rear of the house of late years known as the Emerson Howe place (see Ipswich Deeds, 5 : 440). It had a long sloping roof and was taken down in 1840. A barn 42 feet long and 22 feet wide with 12 foot posts was erected in 1683.
84
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH
James Howe was a weaver by trade. He was one of the surveyors that laid out, in the spring of 1653, the Andover road that passed his house and over Winthrop’s Plain, that adjoined the Howe homestead. He was a commoner in 1641 ; a Dennison subscriber, 1648 ; had a share in Plum Island, 1664, and was tithingman in 1677. He was on jury panels, 1637, 1638 ; trial juror, 1641, 1646, 1647, 1659, 1661, 1662 ; constable of Ipswich, 1646, and grand juror, 1663. His public service diminished after his removal to “ The Farms ” — six miles from the town’s centre.
His will was drawn 12 Jan., 1699-1700. In it he con- firms to his son James, housing and lands and meadows, which, given by deed, he had before that time and ever since possessed and enjoyed, and other movable estate, and also gives him XIO. He had already given to John, his son, of Topsfield, real and personal estate ; also to daughters Mary, wife of Nehemiah Abbot, Rebecca, wife of Stephen Barnard of Andover, and to daughter Sarah Bridges and her daughter Sarah Preston ; and “ whereas Son Abraham has taken good care of his father and mother in their old age ”, he gave to him houses, barns, orchards, tillage lands, pasture lands, and meadow grounds in Ipswich, that is to say, said parents’ home lot, bounded by Timothy Perley’s land, that which was Winthrop’s farm and Mr. Norton’s farm formerly : also all the plain and the old lot meadow and upland that belonged to said parent and not given away by said parent, bounded by the upland by Nehemiah Abbot, senior’s, land easterly : by James Howe, junior’s, land westerly by stakes and stones fixed : all which is partly within the fence and partly without the fence, bounded by Ipswich commons on the westerly side : and by Rowley line on the northerly side.
James Howe, senior, died Sunday, 17 May, 1702,* aged 104 years, having lived in three centuries. His wife, Elizabeth Dane, only daughter of John Dane, of
* Judge Sewall records in his Diary: —
“ May 19, 1702, Mr. James How, a good man, of Ipswich, 104 years old, is buried. Died, I think, on Lord’s-Day night, just about the time the News of the King’s Death was brought from Madera.” King William died 8 March, 1702.
AND SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
85
Roxbuiy, died 21 Jan., 1693-4. Probably Mr. Howe’s early Ipswich home was with, or neighbor to, Rev. Fran- cis Dane, who removed to Andover in 1648, nearly two years before Mr. Howe went to “ the Farms Children of James and Elizabeth Howe : —
2. James, b. abt. 1635 or 36.
3. John, b. abt. 1637.
4. Mary, b. abt. 1638; m. 14 Dec., 1659, Nehemiah Abbot, son of
George, of Rowley. He was b. in England ; commoner of Ipswich, 1664; freeman, 1669; deacon of Topsfield church; settled a farmer in Ipswich-Farms, on a part of his wife’s father’s estate, now the Lauer farm, on Newbury road, just north of the Old cemetery. He d. March, 1706-7. They had three children: two Maries, b. 1660 and 1665, and Ne- hemiah.
5. Sarah, b. abt. 1644 (aged about 20 y. in 1664); m. 5 Dec.,
1666, John Bridges, a blacksmith of Andover, and after 1690 of Mendon ; had daughter Sarah, who m. a Preston.
6. Abraham, b. abt. 1649; d. 21 Jan., 1717-18.
7. Rebecca, b. abt. 1651; d. 15 April, 1725; m. 1 May, 1671,
Stephen Barnard, b. 1649, a weaver in Andover, who d. 12 July, 1722, in his 74th year. Children: — , b. 1672; John, b. 1674; Hannah, b. 1677-8 or 1678-9; Nathaniel, b. 1682; James, b. 1686; Robert, b. 1689.
2. James Howe, Jr., was born in 1635 or 1636, since, according to court depositions, he was ‘‘ about 30 ” in 1666, and “ about 34 ” on 28 Sept., 1669. He was blind, so he had to be led, at the age of fifty. He died 15 Feb., 1701. He married, 13 April, 1658, Elizabeth Jackson, daughter of William and Joanna of Rowley. She was condemned as a witch, during the witchcraft frenzy of 1692, and departed this life 19 July of that year.* His will, dated 19 Nov., 1701, confirms to his daughter Eliza- beth Jackson’s children what he had given her, devises to his daughter Deborah six acres in the West meadow, be- queaths to his grandson James X25, when twenty-one years old, and to his granddaughters Martha and Sarah Howe, 20s. each when eighteen years old or married. He gave to his other two daughters, Mary and Abigail, “ for
*See a full account of her trial in Perley’s “ Short History of Witchcraft.”
86
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH
their pains and care that they have taken of me for sev- eral years and their labor for my maintenance’ ^ my house, barn, orchard, lands, salt marsh in Rowley, and movables indoor and out, and appointed them executresses. He signed his will James How, but it was proved, 11 Mar., 1701-2, as the will of James Howe, jr. The witnesses were Abraham, sr., Abraham, jr., and John Howe.
The inventory of his estate, made 3 Mar., 1701 or 1702, by John and Abraham Howe, amounted to X168.
!«., as per their items : —
Wearing apparel, £7 0 0
Books, Bibles and sermon book, 1
Feather bed and bedding, 8
Chests, table, chairs and such, 3
6 acres in the West Meadows, 18
Salt marsh in Rowley, 16
Meadow ... yt ... 18 acres 40
Cow and mare, 3
The homestead, upland and meadow, orchard and buildings 60 0 0
Children of James, jr., and Elizabeth Howe : —
8. James, d. in July, 1664.
9. Elizabeth, b. 1 June, 1661; m. Caleb Jackson, son of Nicho-
las, of Rowley.*
10. Mart, b. 25 Feb., 1664; d. “a blind maid,” in Rowley, 27 Jan.,
1731.
11. Deborah; m. 11 May, 1685, Isaac Howe of Roxbury, son of
Abraham, jr., and had (b. in Roxbury), Abraham, b. 24 Oct., 1689, and Abigail, b. 4 Feb., 1692.
12. John, b. 17 April, 1671.
13. Abigail, b. 3 Dec., 1673 ; d. 16 Jan., 1758, ‘‘an old maid.”
3. Capt. John Howe was born about 1637. His youth seems full of roguish activity, an activity that fre- quently brought him before the Quarterly Court at Ipswich. He unlawfully rode Poor’s mare, 30 Oct., 1656, and Peter Cooper’s in 1658. A poetic effusion of his slandered the town and Thomas Baker in 1664. He tres- passed on Daniel Hovey in 1667. But in 1681 he became town constable of Topsfield.
His homestead was in the northern part of the town, on a road leading from Ipswich Farms to Topsfield, cross-
*The Howes and Jacksons were neighbors.
AND SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
87
ing the town line near the second bound-stone east of Baker’s, now Hood’s, pond ; traversing the west side of Winthrop’s meadow ; crossing Howlett’s brook, and pass- ing the home-site of Joseph Smith, the Mormon’s grand- father. His sister-in-law, the alleged witch, passed that way with the constable that fateful Sunday morning of her arrest. There is “a brook hard by my dwelling house A little north of that brook is a rise of ground on the east side of the old road, where only a few years ago was an old cellar.
Captain Howe married Mary Cooper of Rowley, born 2:4m. (June), 1642, to Peter, a neighbor of his youth. The wife of John Howe was presented in court, May, 1663, “ for wearing a silk scarf and silver bodkin, when she was a widow.” She was discharged. There was more of the silk scarf in Sept., 1664. His wife Mary died 2 Mar., 1676-7, in Topsfield. He married, 2nd, be- fore 20 Dec., 1686, Sarah Towne, born 26 April, 1657, to Edmund and Mary (Browning) Towne. He and his wife joined the Topsfield church 19 July, 1685. He made a marriage agreement, 25 Dec., 1706, with Mrs. Sarah Dennis, widow of Thomas, of Ipswich, with whom he had been published 7 Dec., 1706, at Ipswich, providing for her, if she became his widow — the marriage soon to take place.
His will, made 19 May, 1725, when he was “far ad- vanced in years ”, signed “ John How, Senior ”, proved 23 Dec., 1728, makes no mention of a marriage agree- ment, but provides well for a prospective widow, as wills generally do. He died 16 Dec., 1728, in his 92nd year.* Of his thirteen children, only six are mentioned in his will: — Sarah, John, Anne, Joseph, Lydia and Benjamin.
Children of John and Mary and Sarah Howe : —
14. Sabah, b. 12 May, 1665. In May, 1683, she engaged, as servant for one year, to June, 1684, with Jacob Adams of Newbury. She had been from home a year, before she let herself to Adams, whose home was ten miles from her father’s, She left Adams after a while, and Francis Thurley entertained
*The following are guesses at his age from court records: 23 in 1663; 30, 33 in 1674; 35, 33, 36 in 1675; 90, 91 in 1728,— which makes his birth in 1640.
88
JAMES HOWE OF IPSWICH
her. Adams sued Thurley for entertaining a fugitive from service. The Justice ordered her return. Then John Howe of Topsfield, an attorney, her father, appeared in her be- half, and entered an appeal. He said the girl was under age, but over sixteen years, and could not make a valid agreement without his consent. She m. 2 Mar., 1684, John Thurlow, b. 25 Mar., 1660, to Francis and Anne (Morse) Thurlow of Newbury. Had: (1) Mary, b. 10 Feb., 1686; (2) Sarah, b. 3 Oct., 1689 ; (3) Anne, b. 29 Feb., 1691; (4) Lydia, b. 20 Aug., 1695; (5) Bethia, b. 3 Mar., 1697-8; (6) Hannah, b. 9 Sept., 1701; (7) Martha, b. 14 Nov., 1707.
15. Mark, b. 17 Dec., 1666.
16. John, b. 3 Mar., 1669-70.
17. Anne, b. 1 or 6 Mar., 1672.
18. Samuel, b. 27 Mar., 1676.
19. Joseph, b. 28 April, 1679.
20. Mary, b. 31 Jan., 1681.
21. Elizabeth, b. 22 Mar., 1682.
22. Lydia, b. 20 Dec., 1686; d. 14 May, 1731-2. Her estate was
valued £71. 5s. 2d. Her brother Benjamin gave bond as adm. 29 May, 1732. Her son Isaac Cummings, “ as she called him,” was b. 8 Dec., 1712. Isaac, of Falmouth, m. 14 Jan., 1730-1, Mary Curtis, and d. in Falmouth, of small- pox, 12 Nov., 1731. Isaac, of Falmouth, carpenter, for £32, sold or mortgaged half of his land in Falmouth to Zaccheus Perkins of Topsfield, 1 Jan., 1730.
23. Benjamin, b. 5 or 8 Jan., 1687-8.
24. Hannah, b. 1 Mar., 1690-1 ;'jd. 1 Nov., 1695.
25. Abigail, b. 6 Aug., 1692.
26. Joseph, b. 30 Sept., 1697; d. 27 Feb., 1742; m. wid. Phebe
Goodhall, 2 April, 1729, who d. 5 June, 1737. His will, drawn 14 Jan., 1741-2, proved at Ipswich, 29 Mar., 1742, calls him yeoman and very sick, nominates his cousin, Isaac Commings, alias Howe, as executor, and gives him the es- tate. The inventory, made by Thomas Howlett, Thomas Perkins and David Balch, 13 April, 1742, contains the fol-
lowing items: —
Note of hand £12
Wearing apparel 5
20 or 30 poles of land near Clark’s bridge, in Tops- field 2 10
Rights in several lots on south side the river 5
Old book 5
Legacy due from Benj. Howe 15
An old musket and an old hogshead 1
AND SOME OF HIS DESCENDANTS.
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6. Abraham Howe was bom about 1649, according to a court guess of 20 y. in 1669. Another court guess, however, of 34 in 1686, makes the year 1652. He died 21 Jan., 1717-18. He married, 26 Mar., 1678, Sarah Peabody, who died 29 Sept., 1732, in her 81st year. He occupied the ancestral estate in Ipswich-Farms. A seat was assigned him in the Topsfield meeting-house in 1700. In 1715, his minister’s tax* for himself and son was eleven shillings. By articles of agreement signed by the widow Sarah and her seven children (Probate Docket, 14,030), she had left in the hands of her son Mark X200, her thirds of the estate.
Children of Abraham and Sarah Howe : —
27. Love, b. 15 Jan., 1678; d. 9 Aug., 1762; m. Samuel Porter of
Salem, 15 Sept., 1722. She adm. upon her husband’s estate 6 Nov., 1749. Personal estate, £231. 19s. 9d. A part of the assets was a “negro man”. She leased of John Fowler, Ipswich, 20 Feb., 1752, a tenement — “ the west end that was my father’s, the two lower rooms, and the part of the cel- lar that was my mother’s thirds — as a facility in educating </